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- : \- _ — 

"The Enemies of Sound Currency are Rally- 
ing their Scattered Forces."— William 


Gold the Best Money Material — Dangers 
from the Unlimited Coinage of Sil- 
ver — How Wage-Earners 
Would Suffer. 


("Matthew Marshall.") 

Money is anything which serves by com- 
mon consent, and with or without the help 
of law, as a measure of the values of com- 
modities and a means for making exchanges 
of them easy. 

We measure the length of cloth by the 
yard, and the weight of sugar, flour, butter, 
etc., by the pound, saying that a piece of 
cloth is so many yards long, and that a par- 
ticular quantity of sugar, butter or flour 
weighs so many pounds. In like manner, 
since these commodities have different val- 
ues, we express the value of each of them 
by saying that cloth is worth so many dol- 
lars and cents per yard, and sugar, flour 
and butter so many cents, or hundredth 
parts of a dollar, per pound. Dollars and 
cents are the common measure of value, as 
the yard and its fractions are of length, 
and pounds and ounces are of weight. 

Money a Measure of Value. 

Since dollars and cents thus measure the 
values of commodities, they make the ex- 

change of them easy. Without their help, 
the man who wanted, with his wheat, his 
corn or his cotton, to buy sugar, flour, but- 
ter or any other commodity, would have to 
do a great deal of ciphering to find out 
just how much wheat or corn or cotton it 
would take to pay for what he wanted. 

Suppose a bushel of wheat to be worth as 
much as ten pounds of sugar and its owner 
wanted only seven pounds: he would have 
to measure out seven-tenths of a bushel of 
wheat to pay for the sugar. Perhaps, too, 
the man who had the sugar would not want 
wheat at all, but would take corn only. 
Then, the man with the wheat would have 
to seek for somebody who had corn and 
would take wheat in exchange for it, at, 
say, two bushels and ahalf of corn for one 
of wheat. When he found him, he would 
have to do more ciphering to see how much 
corn he must give for his seven pounds of 
sugar; and the same process would have to 
be repeated with every purchase he made. 
All this trouble is avoided by selling the 
wheat for money and buying with money 
the sugar. 

It is easy to split up a dollar, and every- 
body is willing to take dollars for what he 
has to sell, because with them he can buy 
whatever he wants in turn, and as much or 
as little as he chooses. 

A Measure of Value. 

To be a measure of value, money must it- 
self possess value, just as a measure of 
length must itself have length to measure 
length, and a measure of weight must have 
weight to measure weight. If a yardstick 
had no length, we could not use it to meas- 
ure cloth withj and if a pound had no 
weight, we could not weigh anything with 
it. In the same way, if a dollar had no 
value, a million dollars would be worth 
no more than one, and no one would accept 
a million of them in payment for his com- 

cause if a man could not get rid of them 
when he wanted to, he would not take them. 
This was the trouble with cattle, iron, 
brass, tobacco, skins and wampum; and it 
is now the trouble with silver. 

Tea circulates in Asia and salt in Africa 
because everybody can use these commodi- 
ties, and therefore everybody accepts them, 
Their defect is that they are liable to dam- 
age by keeping. Tea loses its flavor in time, 
and salt is injured by dampness. They are, 
besides, bulky and take up a great deal of 

Gold, now, besides possessing value, is 
acceptable all over the civilized world. It 
loses nothing by keeping, it is of small bulk 
in proportion to its value, it can be cut up 
into small pieces and then melted together 
again without loss of weight, and it can be 
buried in the ground for centuries and come 
out as good as ever. Silver has some of 
these qualities, but it is bulkier than gold 
in proportion to its value, it tarnishes more 
quickly, and latterly it has been produced 
so abundantly that its value, as we know, 
has fallen more than one-half from what it 
was formerly. Hence it has been discarded 
as a measure of value by all European na- 
tions and by the United States. As has 
been said, we discarded it really in 1834 
and by act of Congress in 1873. Since 1873 
gold has been in this country, as it is in 
Europe, the only recognized standard by 
which the values of other things are reck- 

Unlimited Coinage off Silver. 

The Democratic party does not deny that, 
since 1873, the gold dollar has been the 
only measure of value in use in this coun- 
try, and that since 1870 all contracts for 
the payment of dollars have been virtually 
made for the payment of gold dollars. Even 
during the suspension of coin payments, 
from 1862 to 1879, the country repeatedly 

promised to redeem the greenbacks in gold, 
and everybody who took and gave green- 
backs did so with the knowledge that they 
would, as soon as possible, as they were in 
1879, be made as good as gold. 

It is true also that, as has been already 
said, the Government began in 1878 to coin 
silver dollars at the ratio of 16 to 1, and to 
make them a legal tender the same as gold 
dollars, but it coined them slowly and un- 
der a pledge to keep their value equal to 
that of the gold dollar. Thus far the pledge 
has been redeemed, because the amount ot 
silver dollars is comparatively small, and 
they are received, like gold dollars, in pay- 
ment of dues to the Government, which in 
one single year more than equal them in 
amount. While there are altogether only 
500,000,000 of them in existence, the Gov- 
ernment collected from the people last year 

Silver would Flow to out* Mints. 
The Democratic party proposes now to 
throw the coinage of silver at the old ratio 
of 16 to 1 open to everybody, and let every- 
body who chooses bring to our mint what 
is now 47 cents worth of silver and get back 
for it a silver dollar. There is in the world 
already enough silver to make 4,000,000,000 
of our dollars. The Bank of France alone 
has enough for 250,000,000; Germany enough 
for 100,000,000, and the silver mines of vari- 
ous countries are already producing 115,- 
000,000 ounces a year which would add over 
200 000,000 dollars to the mass, to say noth- 
ing' of the increase of their output which 
would follow tis offer to coin the metal 
without limit into dollars as available tor 
the payment of debts as gold dollars are. 
That the effect of the coinage of this im- 
mense amount of silver dollars would be 
to reduce their value to that of the metal 
in them, that is to say, to 47 per cent, of 
the value of the present dollar, is evident. 

Whenever silver bullion was made coinable 
into dollars at the pleasure of any holder, 
it would be as valuable uncoined as coined. 
Silver bars would pass from hand to hand at 
their coining value, as gold bars do now. 
For the same reason, coined dollars would 
be worth only as much as the silver in them 
was worth, since they could be made out of 
bars to any amount at pleasure. 

The silver dollars being thus of less vatee 
than the gold dollars, it would take more 
of them to buy the same amount of any 
commodity than it would of gold dollars. 
For, as has been before shown, money is a 
measure of value only because it possesses 
value, and the value it possesses is the 
measure by which other values are meas- 

Wage-Earners would Suffer. 

For people who neither owed money nor 
had money owing to them, the change from 
the gold dollar to the silver dollar as the 
measure of value would be neither a bene Lit 
nor an injury. They would get more dol- 
lars for what they sold, but give more for 
what they bought. It would be like calling 
18 inches a yard and 8 ounces a pound. A 
piece of cloth would be no longer if it was 
called 20 yards than if it was called 10 
yards, and a pail of butter would hold no 
more butter when the pound was 8 ounces 
than when it was 16 ounces. The real suf- 
ferers would be creditors and earners of 
wages and salaries. 

The man who had lent out $1,000 in gold, 
or taken notes to that amount for property 
sold by him, would get back $1,000 in money 
which would enable him to buy no more 
than he could have bought with $470 when 
he lent the $1,000 or sold the property on 
credit for $1,000. In the same way the 
mechanic, the laborer, the clerk and every 
man, woman and child receiving pay for 
services would find his or her compensation, 
though apparently the same, really cut down 

Money may be Made of Various Materials. 

Gold and silver are the materials out of 
which, are made the money commonly used 
in civilized countries; but they were not 
aiways such, nor are they such everywhere 
now. In certain countries of Europe, in 
ancient times, cattle constituted the chief 
part of people's wealth, and values were 
measured by them. It was so many head 
of cattle for so much clothing, arms or 
whatever else, other than cattle, people de- 
sired to buy or to sell. 

In Sparta, iron was the measure ; in Rome, 
brass at first, and then silver and gold. In 
this country, while we were British colon- 
ies, we used tobacco, Indian wampum — 
which consisted of beads made from the 
rarer kinds of shells and were valued as 
ornaments as we now value diamonds and 
pearls — and furs. 

In Mexico, when the Spaniards first dis- 
covered it, the beans out of which cocoa and 
chocolate are made, were used for money, 
and in the same country pieces of soap still 
serve for small change. 

In some parts of Asia, tea, pressed into 
small bricks, and in Africa, cakes of salt are 
more or less the money in circulation. 

The money of China is silver, not coined, 
but taken by weight; .and that of India, 
Mexico, and several South American Re- 
publics is silver coin. In all civilized coun- 
tries, however, gold has become exclusively 
the measure of value, although silver in re- 
stricted amounts is still in circulation. 

Gold the Best Money Material. 

It has been shown that whatever is used 
as a measure of value must itself possess 
value, because, if it did not possess value, 
nobody would give in exchange for it any- 
thing valuable. More than this, the things 
used for money must not only have a value, 
but they must be generally acceptable. They 
must pass readily from hand to hand; be- 

modities any more willingly than he would 

The Ratio 16 to 1. 

The dollar which, with its fractions called 
cents, is the measure of value in this coun- 
try, consisted at first both of 371}4 grains 
of pure silver and of 24.75 grains of pure 
gold. This made the silver in the silver 
dollar weigh fifteen times as much as the 
gold in the gold dollar; and hence it is 
said that the ratio of .the two metals was 
15 to 1. Afterwards, in 1834, we reduced 
the weight of gold in the gold dollar to 
23.2 grains of pure gold, or 25.8 grains of 
gold nine-tenths fine, leaving the silver dol- 
lar at 371^4 grains of pure silver or 412% 
grains of silver nine-tenths fine. This 
changed the mint ratio of the two metals to 
about 16 to 1, at which it has ever since re- 

The reason for the change was that at 
15 to 1 gold was undervalued in comparison 
with its value in Europe, so that it was all 
exported and left us only silver dollars for 
use as money, but the ratio of 16 to 1 was 
too much in favor of gold, and undervalued 
silver. Hence, silver became worth in 
Europe more than we allowed for it, and 
was in turn exported, leaving us only gold 

From 1834 down to 1873, the silver dollar 
was worth $1.06 in gold, and consequently 
ceased to circulate as money; so that in 
1873 we repealed the law authorizing its 
coinage, supposing it would never again be 

In 1878, however, silver had so fallen in 
value that the 16 to 1 ratio overvalued it, 
and then we recommenced coining it on 
Government account and have continued it, 
until now we have coined 500,000,000 
silver dollars, of which 66,000,000 are in 
actual use and the rest are in the Treasury, 
being represented by certificates payable in 
silver dollars on demand. 

by the rise in the prices of everything that 
they had to buy — food, fuel, clothing, espec- 
ially — to less than one-half of what they 
had been. In order to live as well as they 
did before they would have to insist on 
higher wages, and though they would get 
them in the end, they would have to fight 
for them and go through all the misery and 
turmoil of strikes. 

Would Reduce Savings Bank Deposits. 

The immensity of the values which the 
unlimited coinage of the silver dollar would 
destroy can hardly be computed. The Gov- 
ernment bonds alone which would be paya- 
ble in silver amount to $700,000,000; the 
bonds of railroad companies to $3,000,000,- 
000 ; the bonds secured by mortgages on real 
estate to $4,000,000,000; the notes held by 
banks to $5,000,000,000— besides book debts, 
and things of that kind to an unknown ex- 
tent. Above all, the $2,500,000,000 of de- 
posits in savings banks due to 5,000,000 de- 
positors would be reduced more than one- 
half, sweeping away the savings of years. 
What privations, suffering and general mis- 
ery would follow, any one can judge for 

The unlimited coinage of the silver dol- 
lars would, therefore, benefit no one but 
those who happened to owe money when it 
began, and even these, as soon as their debts 
were paid, would be in the same condition 
as the rest of the community. Creditors 
and wage-earners would, on the other hand, 
be robbed of millions and never get them 
back. While the change, too, from gold to 
silver was going on business would be in 
confusion, there would be no end of quar- 
rels between debtors and creditors, and we 
might even have a financial panic, worse 
than any which the country has heretofore 

Thomas Hitchcock, 

"Matthew Marshall." 

The Credit of the Country has been 
advanced to the Highest Place 
among All Nations." — William 

Increased Credit 



How Sound Money has Lightened the 

Burdens of Taxpayers in 

American Cities. 

By ERNEST H. EVERSZ, of Chicago. 

One of the most marked features of the 
security market after the Presidential cam- 
paign of 1896 was the large and increasing 
credit which the investing public extended to 
American municipalities. 

While the free silver campaign was in prog- 
ress, municipal corporations, such as cities, 
counties, school districts and the like, found 
it practically impossible to borrow money, 
although their credit had previously been of 
the highest order. Most municipalities made 
no attempt at selling bonds during the three 
months before the election, preferring to 
await a more favorable time; some, how- 
ever, advertised their loans, but refused to 
accede to the high rates of interest demanded, 
while others received no bids at all. The City 
of Boston, for instance, advertised to sell 
$1,000,000 rapid transit 4 per cent, bonds Oc- 
tober 29, 1896, but rejected all bids as the 
premium offered was comparatively small. 
Binghamton N. Y., Minneapolis Minn., 
Champaign 111., and many other municipali- 
ties, did not receive a single offer for their 
bonds, although the advertisements were 
published extensively. 


This condition of affairs was the direct re- 
sult of the wide-spread lack of confidence 
which silver agitation had engendered. 

Mr. Bryan and his followers had assailed 
the legal and existing standard of value and 
proposed to enact legislation which would 

In December, 1897, the city of Chicago sold 
$100,000 3is, obtaining practically the same 
premium which six months previously it had 
received for a like amount, bearing 4 per 
cent., both issues running twenty years. 

In 1896, the city of Milwaukee sold $160,000 
school bonds at such a premium as to have it 
equivalent to borrowing the money at four 
per cent. In May, 1897, a similar loan was 
placed at a net rate of about 3£ per cent. 

Dayton, Ohio, sold its school bonds on a 
4.83 per cent, basis in 1896, and on a 3.80 basis 
in 1897. 

Examples could be multiplied, but these 
are sufficient to indicate the fact that, under 
the present improved conditions, municipali- 
ties are able to borrow money at a rate 
averaging more than one-half of one per cent, 
less than in 1896. 


The amount of municipal bonds publicly 
advertised for sale during the past four years 
is approximately $450,000,000, and as this 
amount is probably three fourths of all the 
municipal bonds actually sold, the grand sum 
total of municipal loans for that period should 
be about $600,000,000. 

When one considers further the vast 
amount of municipal debt which has been re- 
funded at 3, 3£ and 4 per cent, during that 
time, it is easily seen that sound money has 
saved the taxpayers of the U. S. millions of 
dollars in bond interest alone. 

The smaller municipalities have been most 
benefited by the increased credit which 
has been extended. Cities and towns in the 
Central West can now borrow money at rates 
practically as low as do similar municipalities 
in the East, while Western and Southern 
municipal bonds are issued and placed at 
much lower rates of interest than formerly. 


Institutions, savings banks, insurance com- 
panies, and investors generally have also re- 
ceived a profit from the impro ed credit of 
American municipalities. The premiums on 
their bonds have advanced so that they could 
sell their holdings in the market at a consid- 
erable advance. The following is a list of 
some typical government and municipal bonds 
and the percentage of interest they netted 
on August 21, 1896, and at the present time: 

BONDS. 1896 1900 

U.S. Government, 4' s (1907) 3.25 1.95 

Boston, Mass., 4's 3.50 3.00 

Kansas City, Mo., 4^'s 3.70 3.18 

Cleveland, Ohio, 5's 3.80 3.10 

Milwaukee, Wis., 5's 3.75 3.00 

Grand Rapids, Mich., 5's 3.75 3.12 

Chicago, 111., 4's 3.87 3.10 

Omaha, Neb., 5' s 4.25 3.50 

Dayton, Ohio, 5's 4.25 3.20 

Colorado Springs, Colo., 5's 4.38 3.63 

Ludington, Mich., 5's 4.50 3.63 

Seattle, Wash., 5's 4.80 4.00 

Muscatine, Iowa, 6' s 4.75 3.63 

In the above it will be observed that the 
city of Dayton, Ohio, has better credit in 1900, 

as indicated by the rate at which its bonds 
are quoted, than the Government of the Uni- 
ted States had in 1896. 


To sum up — Bryanism in 1896, with its 
assault on the national standard of value — 

1st. Drove gold out of general use and caused 
a monetary stringency. 

2d. Caused general business stagnation, few 
caring to loan while in doubt as to the 
kind of money which would be paid 

3d. Produced business stagnation, which in 
turn affected the value of property 
and impaired the revenues of munici- 

The sound money victory was followed by 
just the opposite results — 

1st. Gold was again brought into circulation 
and money became abundant. 

2d. A revival of business followed and cap- 
ital began to seek investment. 

3d. Higher property values were inevitable 
and the revenues of municipalities 

Other factors have entered since 1896 which 
have tended to increase the good effects which 
followed the sound money victory. The large 

undermined, if not utterly destroyed. A city 
whose resources have been diminished by 
hard times, and whose income has been par- 
tially cut off, is relatively in no better shape 
to borrow money than an individual in a 
similar fix. 


The election of Wm. McKinley, however, 
and the triumph of sound money brought the 
return of confidence which had been pre- 

The credit of American municipalities was 
speedily re-established. 

The wealth of the country once more began 
to flow through the arteries of trade, and the 
nation entered upon a period of unprece- 
dented industrial activity. 

Improved business conditions brought a 
natural enhancement in the value of property, 
and larger revenues from taxation with which 
to meet municipal obligations. The fear of a 
debased currency having been removed, the 
market for municipal securities revived and 
broadened as never before. 

It then became easy for municipalities to 
borrow money. During the past four years 
municipal loans have been placed freely at 
rates very much lower than prevailed in 1896, 
or before. 

For instance, the city of New York, in 
July, 1896, received a small premium for sev- 
eral issues of long time bonds, bearing 3$ per 
cent., while six months later the city re- 
ceived par for bonds bearing only 3 per cent. 

permit the liquidation of debts by the pay- 
ment of 50 cent dollars. It was natural there- 
fore that the only money which could not be 
unfavorably affected by such legislation — 
viz.,' gold coin — should have been largely 
taken from circulation and locked up. 

The lack of confidence manifested itself in 
6till another way, for so long as there was 
any prospect that loans, made at a time when 
the gold standard of value was practically in 
effect, might later be paid off in the de- 
preciated currency of a silver standard, the 
shrewd man preferred not to loan at all, 
whether to individuals, to cities or to the 

Municipal credit was therefore affected not 
only because there was less money free to 
loan to cities, counties and school districts — 
most of the gold having been taken from cir- 
culation — but also because men were unwill- 
ing to loan, not knowing whether they would 
receive the full value loaned when the loan 
was paid. 


The effect of the general distrust was par- 
ticularly manifest in the condition of the 
municipalities themselves. 

The perpetuity of cities depends upon 
business conditions. 

Jv"hen business is at a standstill and com- 
merce is paralyzed, values shrink; the rev- 
enues derived from the taxation of property 
and the basis of a sound municipal loan is 

yields of gold from Cape Nome and the Klon- 
dike and the increased bank note circulation 
made possible by the new financial bill have 
necessarily enlarged the volume of money in 
circulation and resulted in a corresponding 
extension of credit. 

There was no turn in the affairs of the 
nation, however, until the people reaffirmed 
their belief and intention of paying honest 
debts in honest money. 

So long as there was even a possibility that 
the commercial honor of America was to be 
surrendered by debasing the currency, dis- 
tress, discredit and business stagnation was 

j T^PFS^ glCOUNCrLg 44 

"The Credit of the Country has been ad- 
vanced to the highest place among all 
Nations."-William McKinley. 

If Elected President He Might 
Put the Treasury On a 
Silver Basis With- 
out Authority 
of Law. 


Would Be Compelled to Resort to 

More Bond Issues, But Could 

Not Sell Them at the Rate 

of Interest Allowed 

by Law. 


Could a President and Secretary of the 
Treasury, by their own administration 
methods, without legislation from Congress, 
destroy the gold standard and put the coun- 
try on the silver basis? 

What results may be anticipated as a 
consequence of such efforts? 

The two questions may be best treated in 
a single answer. Suppose Mr. Bryan's 
election and the new administration, cher- 
ishing the purposes in question, should be 
inaugurated to-morrow. 

It would find in the Treasury belonging 
to the Government the sum of 376 millions. 
Of this large total, 222 millions are in gold 
coin and bullion; 16 millions in silver dol- 
lars or silver certificates; 95 millions to its 
credit in bank subject to check; 26 millions 
in its own legal tender notes (greenbacks) ; 
8% millions in national bank notes (in pro- 
cess of redemption) ; 8^ millions in subsi- 
diary silver. 

With the purpose under consideration 
seriously in mind, it is probable that the 
first step in the program would be to de- 
clare that all interest on the public debt 
(not specifically payable in gold), and all 
public payments of every kind due from 
the Government to its creditors, were justly 
payable in silver and that the Government 
would exercise its own option as to whether 
it would pay in silver or in gold. 

Would be a Shock to Business. 

That such a declaration would be a se- 
vere shock is plain enough. There would 
be a general inability to understand the full 

Government would pay silver; the Govern- 
ment would receive silver in payment. In- 
cluding internal revenue taxes, the Govern- 
ment's annual receipts are (exclusive of 
postal revenues) about 568 millions. The 
total amount of silver is, say, 500 millions. 
So easily within one year it could all, if 
necessary, be paid into the Government 
Treasury. Of course (in the case supposed) 
it would go out again for interest and ex- 
penses as fast as it came in, to again run 
into its best channel for use, viz.: dues to 
the Government. 

Contracts Would be Made in Gold. 
How, now, about the commercial and 
financial world? Would it, because the 
Government had adopted the course in ques- 
tion, follow its example and adopt silver as 
the money of account and settlement? 
Probably not. Fully aware of the economic 
value of maintaining the world's standard 
money — gold — the financial and commer- 
cial community would struggle to maintain 
that standard in all the large affairs of bus- 
iness life. All contracts would be made by 
specific terms payable in gold. Silver, as 
has been said, would be shunted into the 
Treasury. If necessary, banks would keep 
two accounts with their customers — one in 
"gold," the other in "Government funds." 
Would this effort succeed? It is a question 
hard to answer, but the example of the Pa- 
cific Coast States may be cited, where, com- 
paratively financially feeble, the gold stand- 
ard was successfully maintained in all their 
commercial affairs from 1862 to 1879. 

Treasury Gold Reserve Would be Ex- 

A movement to maintain the gold stand- 
ard in commercial affairs would be strong- 
handed in the beginning. The cash reserves 
in all the commercial centers now consist 
of gold and legal tender notes. Silver 
forms no part of the reserves worthy of 
mention. The present holdings of actual 
gold could be largely increased by the pres- 
entation of legal tender notes to the Treas- 
ury for redemption. Is it answered that if 
so they would be redeemed in silver? That 
answer cannot stand. 

It is clear that with only 16 millions of 
silver on hand the presentation of 150 mil- 
lions in notes for redemption would quickly 
exhaust that fund, when the treasury would 
be obliged to part with its gold, or entirely 
repudiate its obligations. That it would part 
with its gold in the redemption of green- 
backs is of all things the most probable. 
The word probable is used, for in this field 
we can only reach probabilities; but proba- 
bilities built upon the action of human na- 
ture, moved by the sentiments of self-inter- 
est or self-preservation, are much stronger 
than speculative fancies. 

It is affirmed, then, that it is probable 
the reserve gold fund of the Treasury would 
be exhausted in the redemption of green- 
backs. At a very early period the Secre- 
tary of the Treasury would be brought to 
face a condition where the gold reserve set 
apart for the redemption of the legal tender 

notes would be below the sum of $100,- 

Bond Issues Would be Necessary. 

The mandate of law requires the Secre- 
tary of the Treasury, when the coin and bul- 
lion in said fund (the 150 million reserve) 
shall fall below 100 millions to restore the 
same to the maximum sum of 150 millions 
in gold coin, and if necessary he is required 
(not authorized) to sell coupon or regis- 
tered bonds of the United States, bearing 
interest at a rate not exceeding three per 
cent., such bonds * * * * to be pay- 
able, principal and interest, in gold coin of 
the present standard value. 

What, under such circumstances, would 
the Secretary do? Would he refuse to per- 
form the duty imposed upon him by the law. 
and thus render himself liable to impeach- 
ment? Probably not. 


Deficiency of Revenue Would be Created. 

It is further to be considered that in the 
course of affairs business derangement 
would have been widespread and serious. 
Public revenues would have fallen. Instead 
of a surplus a deficiency would have been 
created. In that event, and unable to bor- 
row without new legislation, the Treasury 
would become unable to redeem its outstand- 

ing duties to pay could secure them for 
such payments. 

Gold would be held back, except to sup- 
plement, as might be necessary, the other 
forms of money, and instead of the present 
large proportion of gold now received at the 
custom-house, that percentage would be re- 
duced to the lowest possible minimum. Thus 
the Treasury's present stock of silver would 
receive a daily re-enforcement. 

Treasury on a Silver Basis. 

If we inquire whether this source of sup- 
ply would be sufficient to enable the Treas- 
ury to make all payments in silver, we raise 
a question difficult of answer. It is true 
that there is in the hands of the people 
some 480 millions in silver dollars and sil- 
ver certificates, but these are scattered over 
our wide-spreading domain ; they are no- 
where concentrated. It is, therefore, doubt- 
ful whether for some time to come as much 
as $800,000 per day in silver (the average 
daily customs receipts) could be secured. 
Part of the payment would be in gold, and 
therefore part of the Government's dis- 
bursements would necessarily be in gold. It 
would then be a considerable time before 
the Treasury could be said to be upon a 
"silver basis." 

It is likely that the time would eventually 
come when its receipts would substantially 
all be in silver and greenbacks, and its pay- 
ments would be made in the same funds. 
What then? There would have been estab- 
lished a new kind of endless chain. The 

scope and influence of such proposed ac- 
tion. When people cannot understand 
or measure dangers to their interests they 
will either run or hide. A danger that can 
be measured may be bravely met; one 
that cannot be measured excites panicky 
fears. Such a declaration would, there- 
fore, be quite certain to call a halt in 
many forms of industry. Commercial men 
and trades of every name would be disposed 
to diminish their transactions. General 
credit would be impaired, and reduced in effi- 
ciency. Contemplated enterprises would be 
suspended, and labor, as a natural conse- 
quence, would find a decreased demand for 
its services. Such is a rational and unex- 
aggerated presentation of the first effects of 
such an announcement. 

Gold Would be Held Back. 

But would the effort to destroy the gold 
standard be successful if unaided by Con- 
gressional action? It has been shown 
above that the Treasury is possessed of only 
16 millions in silver. Suppose it paid its 
daily outgoes exclusively in silver. Unless 
re-enforced, its stock of silver would be ex- 
hausted in ten days, and then it would be 
obliged to pay in gold. That the present 
stock of silver would be supplemented by 
new receipts there can be no doubt. Cus- 
tom-house dues are payable in gold, silver, 
or legal tender notes. It is beyond doubt 
that, under the conditions herein contem- 
plated, silver and legal tender notes would 
go to the customs to the extent parties hav- 

ing legal tender obligations, either in gold 
or silver. 

Such is the end to which the effort to put 
the Treasury upon the silver basis would 
finally come. 

Bryan Could Put the Country on Silver 

The following conclusions are warranted 
by a critical analysis of probabilities: 

An unfriendly administration could, with- 
out further legislation, put the Government 
upon the silver basis. 

To accomplish this end would require 
skill, persistency, and a disregard for law. 
however adroitly concealed. 

The effort to accomplish it would seriously 
disturb general finances, trade, and indus- 

TO SELL BONDS for the restoration of the 
gold reserve within the limits of interest 
required by law. 

Would Cripple the Country. 

Its effect upon trade and industry would 
be such as to impair the revenue, so that 
a deficiency would be created instead of a 
surplus realized. 


It would not of necessity reduce the coun- 
try in its general operations of trade and 
industry to the silver basis. 

As in California during the Civil War, 
gold could be maintained as the standard 
in commercial affairs, in which case silver 
and legal tender Government notes might, 
and probably would, pass at a discount. 

The endless chain has been broken and the drain 
upon our gold reserve no longer frets us. 

—William McKinley, 



Nothing to Prevent Him from Paying 

Public Debt Interest in Silver and 

also Government Notes 

The New Currency Law Not Made Obligatory by Any 

Penalty— A Grave Condition Which Contronts All 

Friends ot Honest Money — Premium on 

Gold Possible in Spite of Congress 


The platform adopted by the Demo- 
cratic party, last July, at the Kansas City 
Convention, contains this declaration: 

"We reaffirm and indorse the principles 
of the National Democratic platform 
adopted at Chicago in 1896, and we reiter- 
ate the demand of that platform for an 
American financial system made by the 
American people for themselves, which 
shall restore and retain a bimetallic price 
level; and, as part of such system, the im- 
mediate restoration of the free and unlim- 
ited coinage of silver and gold, at the 
present legal ratio of 16 to 1, without 
waiting for the aid or consent of any 
other nation." 

The effect of passing an act of Congress 
to carry out this declaration would be, 

practically, to substitute for the present 
gold dollar as the standard of monetary 
value, a silver dollar worth only 47 cents 
in gold. This the wiser members of the 
Convention saw, and they saw, moreover, 
that the consequences of such an enact- 
ment would be disastrous to the Demo- 
cratic party, as it would be to the country. 
They, accordingly, opposed with all their 
might the adoption of the declaration and 
would have prevented it, had not Mr. 
Bryan, whose friends were in the major- 
ity, insisted upon it, and by the announce- 
ment that otherwise he would refuse the 
Presidential nomination, succeeded in 
carrying it through. 


Mr. Bryan is, therefore, by his action 
at Kansas City, as well as by the nu- 
merous speeches he made in the Presi- 
dential campaign of 1896, committed to 
the promotion of the free and unlimited 
coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1, 
and to the use of all his power as Presi- 
dent, should he be elected, to procure the 
enactment by Congress of a law to that 
effect. That he would do this is as sure 
as anything can be. The same masterful 
spirit that made him risk the loss of his 
nomination rather than seem to have 
abandoned a measure which he advocated 
so earnestly in 1896, is a guarantee that 
he would be no less reckless in promoting 
it after he had obtained the power and 
the patronage of the Presidency. 

for his failing to perform either of these 
duties, nor is there any way of compelling 
him to do it except by threat of impeach- 


These things being so it is easy to see 
how a silverite President, like Mr. Bryan, 
could do mischief. The Treasury holds 
the principal gold supply of the country, 
and our finances rest quietly upon the 
confident belief that the Government will 
maintain gold payment under any and 
every condition. So long as the Republican 
party remains in power the belief will not 
be shaken. Let, however, Mr. Bryan be- 
come President and the whole aspect of 
affairs would change. He would appoint 
as Secretary of the Treasury a man of his 
own way of thinking, who would, as the 
first thing, offer to pay the interest on the 
public debt in silver dollars, and when 
Government notes were presented at the 
Treasury for redemption, he would offer 
for them only the same coin. This would 
amount to a suspension of gold payments 
by the Government and would put the 
country back to where it was before re- 
sumption in 1879. 

In itself, indeed, the suspension of gold 
payments thus indirectly effected would 
do no great amount of mischief. It would 
not bring the country, as some people 
say it would, to a silver basis. Nothing 
can do that but opening the mints to the 

free coinage of silver without limit, and 
thus making the silver dollar worth no 
more than the silver in it. So long as 
the coinage of silver dollars is restricted 
to a comparatively small amount, as it 
is at present, they will retain an artificial 
value far above that of the silver of which 
they are made. The mischief done would 
be to create general alarm and distrust, 
and, if any large quantity of gold were 
needed for export, to put it to a premium 
over other kinds of money. The banks 
would pay their depositors, and debtors 
would pay their creditors, only in Gov- 
ernment notes, bank notes, silver dollars 
and silver certificates, and so long as the 
Treasury refused to pay out gold, who- 
ever needed it would have to buy it of the 
dealers in it at a premium greater or 
less according to the demand for it. Even 
if the premium rose to no more than 5 
per cent, it would derange all business, 
increase the fluctuations of foreign ex- 
change and, by reviving the memories of 
the Civil War, lead to a great hoarding 
of gold. There might, indeed, ensue a 
monetary panic which would spread over 
the whole land. What people will do in 
the face of a danger, the extent of which 
they cannot see, is proved by the way 
runs on savings banks are started and 
spread. Every depositor in a bank and 
every creditor who had money owing 
him would hasten to call it in and to 
convert his money into gold, before the 
premium became greater than it was. 


It is true that the banks and the indi- 
vidual capitalists of the country might 
combine, and call the Secretary's bluff by 
taking the few million silver dollars he 
had on hand, so that he would, thereafter, 
either have to pay in gold, or suspend 
payment altogether. This would, how- 
ever, be only a temporary check to the 
evil. As soon as silver dollars went to a 
discount as compared with gold, though 
it were only for a day or two, their hold- 
ers and the holders of silver certificates 
would avail themselves of their legal 
right to tender them to the Government 
in payment of dues and taxes and the 
Government would get its revenues in 
nothing else. The silver dollars would 
thus become the country's standard cur- 
rency and gold would command a pre- 
mium, as it did during suspension days. 

All this would come merely from the 
election of William J. Bryan, even with 
both Houses of Congress steadfast de- 
fenders of the gold standard. What he 
might do, by the use of patronage, to 
overcome their opposition and secure a 
positive enactment in favor of silver, no- 
body can tell. He would be sure to exert 
his power in this way to the utmost, and 
the knowledge that he was doing it would 
increase the general alarm and intensify 
the panic. Moreover, in case of the occur- 
rence of a vacancy in the Supreme Court 
of the United States, he would fill it with 


The principal and interest of all the 
Government bonds outstanding, except 
the 2 per cents issued under the Currency 
act of last March, are payable in "coin," 
because in 1870 when the act authorizing 
the issue of most of them was passed the 
only coin known was gold coin, and it 
was thought unnecessary to say "gold 
coin" expressly. Efforts have repeatedly 
been made since to correct this wording 
and to declare that "coin" means "gold 
coin," but they have been as often de- 
feated by the partisans of free silver. The 
$346,000,000 in Government notes, called 
greenbacks, are also redeemable, accord- 
ing to the Resumption act, in coin, and 
the Treasury notes of 1890 are redeem- 
able in gold or silver coin at the discre- 
tion of the Secretary of the Treasury. 
For the payment of the ordinary debts 
of the Government any kind of money 
is sufficient. 

The Currency act of last March under- 
takes, in a way, to remedy these defects 
in our legislation. It declares that all 
the Government notes shall be redeemed 
in gold coin, and makes it "the duty" of 
the Secretary of the Treasury to main- 
tain all forms of money created by the 
Government at par in gold. To enable 
him to accomplish this, it is also made 
his "duty" to issue and sell for gold coin 
whenever he needs it, Government bonds 
payable in gold, principal and interest. 
At the same time no penalty is provided 

Notwithstanding this plain declaration 
of the intention both of the Democratic 
party as an organization and of its Pres- 
idential candidate personally, to restore 
the free and unlimited coinage of silver 
at the ratio of 16 to 1, as soon as they 
get the power to do it, a considerable 
number of misguided men, who are fully 
aware of the mischief that the measure 
would produce, announce that they mean 
to vote the Democratic ticket. They ex- 
cuse themselves for doing so, partly on 
the ground that the ticket will be defeated 
any way, and that they vote for it only 
to express their hatred of what they call 
the Imperialism of the Republican party; 
and they also assert that even if the ticket 
is successful the Senate will prevent the 
passage of any act likely to impair the 
maintenance of the present gold standard. 
They act as a man would act who should 
set fire to his house, and excuse him- 
self by saying that he did not believe, in 
the first place, that his house would burn, 
and secondly, that, if it did burn, the fire- 
men would prevent the flames from do- 
ing any damage. Evidently every voter 
of this kind who votes for Mr. Bryan will 
help, at least, to elect him. If he is 
elected, even without a Senate and a 
House of Representatives so constituted 
as to support him in passing a silver 
coinage bill, he will have immense power 
for financial mischief, and will exercise it 
to the utmost. 

a man of his own stamp, who would 
try to pervert the decisions of the court 
to the detriment of property rights and 
to the discouragement of industrial en- 
terprise. He could appoint as Attorney 
General and District Attorney men who 
would harass the banks and the corpora- 
tions, with hostile proceedings for every 
little technical violation of law, and 
the importers of foreign goods for every 
failure to comply with the most trivial 
customs regulation. He has promised to 
put the man above the dollar, and the 
man would be himself and his satellites, 
while the dollar would be the dollar of 
every man who earned it by his labor and 
his enterprise. 

Is it safe to take the risk of voting for 
Bryan? Is it not safer to vote for Mc- 

Skall wo go back to a tariff which brings deficiency 
In our revenues and destruction to our industrial 
enterprises? — William McKinley, 

A Barometer of Prosperity 

and of Activity to 


The greatest prosperity barometers in the 
world are coal and pig iron. Coal, perhaps, is 
the greater of the two. It is the material energy 
of the country; the great factor in all its manu- 
facturing enterprises. 

When the country is prosperous, when all the 
factory chimneys are belching smoke, and when 
all the furnace fires are flaming, then the coal 

miners are busy, the production increases, wages 
advance, and the railroads get enormous tonnage 
in hauling the coal. Shipping is in demand for 
coal cargoes and the entire country throbs with 
the energy generated by coal. 

That the United States, judged by this barom- 
eter, is prospering as it never prospered before, 
is indisputable. That it is a prosperity that 
reaches the masses is also beyond dispute. 

In 1898, under "Prosperity at Home" and 
"Prestige Abroad," the production of coal in the 
United States was not only the largest in our 
history, but larger than that of any other country 
in the world. In 1898, for the first time, the 
United States figures show a larger production 
than that of Great Britain. 

As the production of the United States in 
1899 exceeded that of 1898 by 38,564,983 tons, 
the immense and steadily increasing prosperity 
of the country can be fairly gauged. 

In the following tabulated statement of the 
amount and value of the coal produced in the 
United States, we compare 1896, the last year 
of the Democratic Wilson bill administration, 
with the last year of the present McKinley 
administration, for which figures are available, 
viz., 1899. The figures are official, from the 
United States Geological Survey, Division of 
Mineral Resources. They are commended to the 
attention of the calamity howlers : 

1896 AND 1899, BY STATES. 





Short Tons. 




Short Tone. 




alifornia and 



eorgla and 
North Carolina. 




$ 5,174,135 

























2.332 627 




$ 7,971,366 


























linois ... 













































odlan Territory. 





lontan a 

ew Mexico 

orth Dakota 





Test Virginia 


'otal bituminous, 





Grand total 





By opening the mil 
he coal production of 
rom 191,986,357 torn 
ons in 1899 — an incr 

The figures as to th 
smployed in the coal i 

Is rather 
the cour 
3 in 189 
ease of 6 
e average 
nines of 

than th 
itry has i 
6 to 256 
3 numbei 
the Unit< 

e mints, 
3 tons. 
• of men 
3d States 

in 1896 and in 1899 show how the opening o^ 
the mills of the country increased the number ofi 
wage-workers in this one industry. 

IN 1898 THERE WERE 393,162 MEN 
410,635, AN INCREASE OF 17,473 MEN 
10,000 OVER 1898. 

There is a tariff on coal, yet we appear to be 
capturing the markets of the world with that 

In the fiscal year ending June 30, 1896, the 
United States exported anthracite and bitumi- 
nous coal valued at $10,646,082. 

In the fiscal year ending June 30, 1898, the 
United States exported anthracite and bitumi- 
nous coal valued at $11,683,749. 

For the year ending June 30, 1900, we have 
exported coal to the value of $19,502,412. 

Steamers are now being chartered almost daily 
to carry coal from the United States to St. 
Petersburg and Stockholm, as well as to Italian, 
French and German ports. 

Expansion is the order of the day in our coal 
industry as in all others. More men are em- 
ployed at the mines. More wages are paid. 
The output is larger. Most of the coal is usedi 
in our own factories, where additional work if 
given to thousands of others of our wage-earn-j 
ers, who are busily employed making goods withA 
which to supply the active American market, as 1 
well as to capture the markets of the world. 
And all of this is the result of a tariff that pro- 
tects American labor and industry. 

No blow has been struck except for liberty and hu- 
manity, and none will be. William McKinley. 

Consent of the Governed 

How it is Practiced by Democrats 
Who Preach Against Re- 
publican Methods 

[Prom the New York Times]. 

Four years ago, in the so-called Democratic 
Convention at Chicago, Senator Benjamin 
R. Tillman, of South Carolina, in offering- a 
resolution to denounce the Administration of 
President Cleveland, made an attempt to 
convert the convention to his view that the 
campaign about to begin was a sectional one, 
in which the South and the West were to be 
combined by a common sentiment against 
the North and the East, to overthrow those 
sections and make their financial opinions 
odious, and to destroy their domination in 
future National financial legislation and 

Tillman has learned something since that 
day, when he was deservedly hissed and 
hooted in a convention otherwise none too 
sane or sensible, and the merited rebuke ad- 
ministered by Senator J. K. Jones possibly 
convinced him that sectionalism is as hope- 
less an issue as secession to divide the coun- 
try. But he was still a man of impulse at 
Kansas City. Restored to favor after a civil- 
izing ordeal of four years of service in the 
Senate, he helped to prepare a platform ex- 


posing- his party to gross inconsistency or 

Tillman Forecasts Democratic Methods. 

To Tillman was assigned the task of read- 
ing the platform. He does not lack dramatic 
sense, and he has a large voice. With pro- 
digious volume and vehemence he rolled forth 
the references, in the opening phrases to 
" the inalienable rights " of man guaranteed 
by the Declaration of Independence and the 
Constitution. As a sweet morsel he mouthed 
the language of the declaration that Govern- 
ments must " derive their just powers from 
the consent of the governed." "Any other 
government," he shouted, with sonorous in- 
tensity, " is tyranny, and to impose upon any 
people a government of force is to sustain the 
methods of imperialism," The case of the 
Porto Ricans was described as appealing 
" with peculiar force to our justice and mag- 

These sentiments were prepared and emit- 
ted by Mr. Tillman for application solely to 
the question of imperialism and the conduct 
of the Administration in endeavoring to deal 
with the new problems that vex the country. 
But they seem to have a more interesting 
meaning, as applied to certain Southern 
States, than they would as interpreted only 
to denounce and embarrass the Administra- 
tion in its effort to establish free govern- 
ments in the Philippines, Cuba and Porto 

Manipulating the Southern Vote. 

Alabama's population in 1890 was 1,513, 
017. There were, upon the common calcula- 
tion of one voter in five, 302,203 voters in that 
State in 1896. Alabama gave to all candi- 

dates for President 193,653 votes, Bryan re- 
ceiving- 130,307. Louisiana's population in 
1800 was 1,118,587. The State was entitled in 
1896 to at least 223,000 votes. It cast 102,016, 
and Bryan had 77,000 of these. Mississippi 
had 1,289,600 population in 1890, and presum- 
ably 257,920 males of voting- age. In 1896 
there were cast for President in Mississippi 
70,545 votes, Bryan getting- 63,859. North 
Carolina was reported in 1890, in the census 
of that year, as having 1,617,947 population. 
The State cast 331,210 votes in the Presi- 
dential contest of 1896, or a little more than 
the reasonable ratio for 1890. South Carolina, 
with a reported population in 1890 of 1,151, 
149, and with not less than 230,000 voters, 
cast for all candidates in 1896, 68,907 votes, 
and 5S,798 of them went to Mr. Tillman's 
man Bryan. 

Six Hundred Thousand Votes Missing. 

What became of the 600,000 votes that ap- 
pear to have been missing from the election 
returns of Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi 
and South Carolina. Were these 600,000 
voters to be governed, in case Mr. Bryan was 
chosen or defeated, without their consent, 
thus subjecting them to the "tyranny" re- 
ferred to by the Democratic platform? Have 
those missing voters been since found and 
required to give their consent to the election 
of Representatives in Congress, in order that 
they should not be taxed without National 
representation fairly secured; or has their 
consent been obtained to new restrictions of 
the service? Has there been shown any ten- 
dency in any of those States to exchange 
"the methods of imperialism for those of a 
republic? " 

How have Alabama, Louisiana, Missis- 
sippi, North Carolina and South Carolina 
qualified themselves to reproach the Admin- 
istration for imperialism? Have not three 
of those States formally and completely and 
the two others by progressive steps under- 
taken to deprive some 600,000 of "the govern- 
ed " of the opportunity to give or withhold 
that consent guaranteed as a right according 
to the Democratic application of the Declara- 
tion of Independence and secured by the 

Democratic Government without Con- 
sent of the Governed. 

Why waste hypocritical platform senti- 
ment on the people of Porto Rico because 
they have " a government without their con- 
sent and taxation without representation " 
when 600,000 voters in four States, all Demo- 
cratic States, are deprived of the right to 
consent, and about 1,000,000 altogether, if we 
consider Virginia, Georgia, Florida and Ten- 
nessee, are in like manner subjected to 
"tyranny." Mr. Tillman's platform also 
declares its opposition to "militarism," for 
the reason that "it means conquest abroad 
and intimidation and oppression at home. 
It means the standing army that has always 
been fatal to free institutions." What 
apology does Senator Tillman offer to the 
standing army of 1,000,000 voters disfran- 
chised in Southern States? Were "intimida- 
tion and oppression at home" practiced to 
bring about that result, peculiar only to one 
section of the country? Does not the condi- 
tion of these silenced voters "appeal with 
peculiar force to our justice and magnan- 

"They stone our prophets living; build monuments to 
them dead."— As J. Wilkes Booth ran across the 
stage of Ford's Theatre, he turned to the audience 
and shouted "Sic semper tyrannis!" 

Lincoln, 1864— 
McKinley, 1900. 

The Democratic Party's Parallel — 
♦'Imperialism" and "Hilitarism," 
Then and Now — "Consent of the 
Governed" Applied to the Seceded 
States- "The War a Failure"— The 
5a me Charge of Surrendering to 
Plutocracy -Expansion South of 
flason and Dixon's Line Denounced. 

Six separate times at Indianapolis Bryan 
Quoted Lincoln with commendation. 

A correspondent describing Bryan's speech of 
acceptance said it foreshadowed the Democratic 
policy to "confound Republicans of 1900 by 
quoting the Republican ideas of other days." 

Democratic praise of Lincoln is much in 
evidence in 1900. The libels uttered against Lin- 
coln in 1864 are reproduced against McKinley 
in 1900. 

There is a wonderful parallel between the 
■Democratic attack upon Lincoln twenty-six 

years ago and the Democratic attack upon Mc 
Kinley now. 

Mr. Bryan has studied Lincoln and his times 
for catchwords and oratorical properties. He 
has dodged the truth and significance of the 
great emancipator's struggles and achieve- 

Like his chief, Adlai E. Stevenson adopted 
the historical argument at Indianapolis but he, 
too proved lacking in information about one 
important episode in democratic history when 
he said "the word and the idea of imperialism 
are new to American politics." Not so. The 
cry of imperialism was first raised against 
Abraham Lincoln, who was accused of trying 
to rule the Southern States without the con- 
sent of the governed, and in violation of the 
Declaration of Independence. In the same 
connection he was charged with militarism, 
with waging a war of conquest, and with mak- 
ing an abject surrender to commercialism, the 
rule of speculators and the dominion of the 
money power. The charges against McKinley in 
1900 are simply new editions of those against 
Lincoln in 1864. As Bryan has appealed to 
that sword let thinking men say whether he 
does not deserve to perish by it. 


The sinister distinction of introducing the 
cry or idea of imperialism into American pol- 
itics belongs to Alexander Long, of Ohio, who 
from his seat in the House of Representatives 
sprung it against Lincoln in 1864, and precipi- 
tated one of the greatest debates of the war 
period. Long spoke on several occasions; over 
fifty speeches were uttered in reply to him and 
an attempt was started to expel him from the 
house for giving sympathy and encouragement 
to the enemy in the field. Speaker Colfax left 
the chair to offer the resolution of expulsion 
on the floor, but the proposition failed and 
one of censure was adopted instead, Long be- 
ing pronounced "an unworthy member of the 
House.'* Such was the reception of the im- 



Mr. Bryan would hardly agree to stop ora- 
torical effusions on the Fourth of July. In that 
particular it is safe to say he would not ac- 
cept the anti-imperialist doctrine of 1864 in Its 
full strength and measure, but otherwise he 
cannot consistently dispute Mr. Long. Here 
are two further quotations where Mr. Long as- 
serted the consent of the governed theory on 
behalf of the confederates, as Bryan now as- 
serts it for the insurgents in the Philippines: 

"How do we stand in the eyes of the civilized 
world today in waging a war of subjugation 
and conquest against the confederate states 
which have seceded from us and set up a gov- 
ernment of their own? . . . Much better 
would it have been for us in the beginning, 
much better would it be for us now, to con- 
sent to a division of our magnificent empire and 
cultivate emicable relations with our estranged 
brethren than to seek to hold them to us by 
the power of the sword.'* 

A few months later, Mr. Long, the originator 
of the imperialistic cry in American politics 
and the man who first pushed the doctrine of 
consent of the governed to ruinous and ridicul- 
ous excess, was a delegate to the Democratic 
National Convention at Chicago, which declared 
the war a failure, and in a speech before that 
body he denounced "the odious emancipation 
Proclamation of Lincoln'' and his "corrupt and 
tyrannical administration." Democratic orators 
now leave these parts out and also omit the 
denunciations of Fourth of July oratory, but 
otherwise preach anti-imperialism just as laid 
down by Long. 

Nor is Mr. Bryan's indictment of the repub- 
lican party under McKinley for an alleged sur- 
render to plutocracy a new thing under tho 
sun. Precisely the same charge was rung in 
as a support and buttress of the imperialist 
issue by Mr. Long in the debate from which we 
have quoted. He said: 

"Patriotism has been made a paying virtue 
thus far under the war and subjugation pol- 
icy; it is seldom that a virtue has been so 
easily coined into gold.'' 


Mr. Long, while not naming Lincoln or others 
personally, said it was "a singular circumstance 
that many who vaunted their patriotism were 
made immensely wealthy through its instruv 

Among the extreme, anti-war democrats who 
joined Long in the cry of militarism, commer. 
cialism and corruption was Fernando Wood of 
New York who, in his speech of April 11, said 
the country was brought to such a state that 
"those who produce everything get nothing, and 
those who produce nothing get everything.'' 
Trade trusts were not complained of in that day 
but army contractors, bloated bondholders, and 
speculators were accused of bringing about this 
miserable state of things with the actual ap- 
proval of Lincoln himself. April 19th, Wood 
said the republican administration chose rather 
to "increase the rent of the poor man's tene- 
ment than to dim the luster of the jobber's 
palace." So in their address to the people 
at the close of the session the democratic 
members of congress in 1864, who felt that charg- 
es of corruption and favoritism to wealth would 
naturally ring in well with that of imperialism, 
stigmatized the Lincoln men as "radicals and 
corruptionists," while Lincoln's administration 
was declared subservient to men "who make 
money out of the war" and whose "thirst for 
sudden wealth'' was gratified by the Lincoln 
administration under the favor of which "they 
nestle and gratify their unholy .greed and de- 
testable passions.'' 

In the Senate in 1864 Garrett Davis was one 
of the men who most persistently rung the 
charges of imperialism and corruption as the 
twin evils of the Lincoln administration. Hear 
him in his speech of March 30th: 

"Lincoln is equally a usurper with Caesar, 


Cromwell and Bonaparte. He is no statesman, 
but a mere political charlatan. He has inor- 
dinate vanity and conceit. He is a consum- 
mate dissembler and an adroit and sagacious 
demagogue. He has the illusion of working a 
great historical name for himself in connection 
with the total abolition of slavery in the United 
States. He also loves power and money. . . . 
The world never witnessed a more lawless 
and more daring political enterprise and ex- 
cept in the feature of blood it comes up to the 
measure of the greatest usurpations.'' 

This was said of the extremely mild recon- 
struction policy of Lincoln, which required vot- 
ers in Tennessee and Arkansas to take an 
aath of allegiance and renounce their negro 

Senator Powell, in his speech of April 8, said 
if any one would specify the acts for which 
Charles I. was rightfully beheaded, "I pledge 
myself as a gentleman and a man of honor 
to give him two for one. and those more flag- 
rant, infractions committed by Abraham Lin- 
coln on the constitution and laws of the United 
States." He added that while Lincoln ought 
to be impeached and put out of office he did 
riot want his head chopped off. 


According to the custom of the time, Lin- 
coln made no campaign speeches and his let- 
ter of acceptance was a mere note of a pag-e 
or two. Still he managed quite shrewdly to 
work in a reply to some of the charges against 
him when waited upon by bodies of soldiers 
who were returning to civil life. Admonish- 
ing them to take up the duties of the citizen 
at the ballot-box as earnestly as they had 
the musket, he warned them especially not 
to be fooled or diverted, by false cries, from 
the real issues of the day. Everybody knew 
v.'hat that meant, and quick applause greeted 
Lincoln's further caution not to be misled by 
appeals to passion and prejudice. 

Lincoln took no time to refute the charge 
of imperialsm. The only cry he cared to deal 
with was that of his administration being 
hand in glove with rich army contractors and 
having the hearty support of jobbers and bond- 
holders who were "making money out of the 
war." Lincoln could not obtain the vast sup- 
plies and the vaster loans needed for the war 
from men of limited means, and his adminis- 
tration necessarily had large dealings with rich 
men and corporations, and they of course (tru- 
ly patriotic as many of them were) were ex- 
posed to the suspicion of wanting the war 
prolonged to fill their own pockets. Dealing 
intimately with these men, and having their 
warm and earnest support. Lincoln seemed 

lating and unscrupulous man, it destroys in- 
stead of uniting the union.'' 

The precise doctrine to-day, save that the 
personal slurs on Lincoln are now changed to 
praise, his name now being spoken reverently, 
but his doctrine still reviled. 

Fanatically bent on applying the doctrine of 
the consent of the governed so as to protect 
treason and break up the Union, Mr. Long, 
in his speech of February 7, continued: 

"It is enough to know that they (the seceding 
states) have withdrawn, and my purpose is to 
convince others of that which to my own mind 
is clear, that they cannot be forced back into 
the union by coercion. . . . The doctrines 
laid down as self-evident truths in the Declai- 
tion of Independence are that all rightful gov- 
ernment springs from the consent of the gov- 
erned—that any people have the right to alter, 
change, or amend their form of government at 

Alexander Long was an upright man per- 
sonally, and one of no mean ability, badly 
mistaken though he was* Honest and thor- 
ough, he went deeper than Bryan into the 
study of anti-imperialism, and had the added 
virtue of setting forth his conclusions fear- 
lessly. It is instructive to know that he con- 
sidered expansion and what he called imperial- 
ism as pretty much the same things— the evil 
twin progeny of Fourth of July oratory. Said 
Mr. Long in his speech of February 7th: 

"The passion for extended territory is one 
of the most vulgar, ignoble and unworthy that 
ever afflicted a nation. This idea of expan- 
sion, acquisition and dominion has been incul- 
cated by a peculiar and most bombastic liter- 
ature—our Fourth of July orations. For a long 
series of years the sum and substance of these 
orations has been a eulogy upon our immense 
territory, and all sorts of extravagant figures 
of speech were used to indicate that it extend- 
ed from the Lakes to the Gulf, and from ocean 
to ocean. Thus was the pride of national domi- 
nation fostered that has since broken out in, 
this fearful and horrible war." 

perlalism cry against Lincoln, and the lesson 
was the more emphatic as it was generally 
conceded In the debate that Long was a man 
of good character and superior ability, but* 
yielding to the fanatical and wrongheaded ideafc 
that it was imperialism and a violation of the 
Declaration of Independence to suppress in- 
surrection by force, he had placed himself in 
a position more odious than that of a con- 
federate in the field. 

Mr. Long first assailed the Lincoln Adminis- 
tration in his speech of April 8th, when he 
pictured Lincoln sitting in the White Huose 
with every approach guarded by soldiery, and 
declared the iron heel rang as loud in Wash- 
ington as in France or Austria. Vastly worse 
was Lincoln's proposition to subdue the rebel- 
lious states and put them through a course of 
reconstruction without any regard to the con- 
sent of the governed, but by exercising mil- 
litary force. Mr. Long said: 

"If we cannot rise above the Austro-Rus- 
sian principle of holding subject provinces by 
the power of force and coercion what becomes 
of the Declaration of Independence and all 
our teachings for eight years?" 

Referring to Poland, Hungary and Italy, he 
went on: 

"If imperial governments are not able to 
hold in submissive obedience small portions of 
vast empire once in revolt, how much less 
a government having for its basis the consent 
of the governed? .... The very idea upon 
which this war is founded, coercion of tlife 
states, leads to despotism.'' 


With the "consent of the governed" Idea on 
he brain, and pushed beyond sane limits, Mr. 
Long was ready to denounce the war policy of 
Lincoln as both contradictory and dangerous 

. . . "Contradictory because it violates the 
reat principles of free government which de- 
'ive their just powers from the consent of the 
overned, and dangerous because by its exer- 
cise, especially when wielded by a weak, vacil- 


at times to have a passing fear of being mis- 
understood by the people. On just that one 
subject did he feel anxious to speak to the vot-» 

Talking to the soldiers of the 148th Ohio, Lin- 
coln admitted that things went wrong some- 
times with the administration, and taxes were 
not always adjusted with precise equality be- 
tween different classes. If it had to wait un- 
til that was done the government could col- 
lect no taxes at all. As for the army con- 
tractors, and the support they were giving his 
administration from what might be interested 
motives Lincoln said to the soldiers: 

"But this government must be preserved In 
spite of the acts of any man or set 'of men. 
I beg of you not to allow your minds or your 
hearts to be diverted from the support of all 
necessary measures by any miserable Picayune 
arguments addressed to your pockets or inflam- 
matory appeals to your passions and your 

P Tnat iC was all. With this one reference to 
the charge of being a tool of rich speculators, 
and be"! himself infected with love of money 
StaeSS ^confidently submitted the matter to 
the discriminating sense of the pe ople. 

Everybody knows how glorious Lincoln trl- 
nmnhed Not, many know, however, that in 
S some weak-kneed Republicans were opposed 
fo Ws renomination, fearing that his support 
Kr rm -contractors and the irregularities of 

Pe YSuy W hTstor n y 0t re t p°ea 1 ?I ttself now when having 

imperialism. miW™ 1 "' a 5?° the people will 
?^u P ^ t0 to ra b Tlea I °a W wa a y S SZ' the ?r». P issues 
by any such cries. 

With Bryan's Consent 

He Advised Ratification of the Peace Treaty 

which Gave Us the Philippines and 

All Responsibility for their 

Good Government 

WHETHER the people of the 
Philippines should continue 
under the control of the gov- 
ernment of the United States must 
depend upon the action of Congress 
and could not depend upon that of 
the President or his administration. 
To have directed our forces to sail 
away from the Philippines after the 
destruction of the Spanish power 
there would have been not only to 
leave them in anarchy but to in- 
vite a scramble among European 
nations for their control, or, as 
President McKinley said in his 
message, "If we desert them, we 
leave them at once to anarchy and 
finally to barbarism ; we fling them 
— a golden apple of discord — 
among the rival powers, no one of 
which could permit another to seize 
them unquestioned; their rich 
plains and valleys would be the 
scene of endless strife and blood- 

The peace treaty provided for 
their purchase, and it was ratified 
by a two-thirds vote of the United 

States Senate, and by the advice 
and consent of Wm. Jennings 
Bryan, who resigned his position 
in the army and came to Washing- 
ton to urge the members of his 
party to vote for it. 

This action by Congress added 
to the duties of the President to 
maintain order in the Philippines. 
The treaty ceding the islands to the 
United States was signed Dec. 10, 
1898; on Jan. 4, 1899, it was sent 
to the Senate ; on February 4th, 
the Filipinos began their attack 
upon the American forces and 
Aguinaldo issued his proclamation 
of war against the United States. 
Yet, on February 6th, with these 
facts well known in the United 
States, by the "advice and consent'' 
of Mr. Bryan, a sufficient number 
of Democrats and Populists cast 
their votes in its favor to bring 
about ratification, and the new duty 
was thus by both parties placed 
upon the shoulders of the Presi- 
dent to suppress an insurrection in 
the territory, which by that ratifi- 
cation of the treaty was finally ac- 
quired two da3^s after the insurrec- 
tion began. 

Among those voting for ratifica- 
tion were Allen of Nebraska, Popu- 
list; Butler of North Carolina, 
Populist; Clay of Georgia, Demo- 

crat; Faulkner of West Virginia, 
Democrat; Gray of Delaware, Demo- 
crat; Harris of Kansas, Populist; 
Jones of Nevada, Silver; Kenney 
of Delaware, Democrat; Kyle of 
South Dakota, Independent; Lind- 
sey of Kentucky, Democrat; 
McEnery of Louisiana, Democrat; 
McLaurin of South Carolina, Demo- 
crat; Morgan of Alabama, Demo- 
crat; Pettusof Alabama, Democrat; 
Stewart of Nevada, Silver; Sulli- 
van of Mississippi, Democrat; Tel- 
ler of Colorado, Silver; and Well- 
ington of Maryland, and Mason of 
Illinois, Republicans, who have 
since opposed the course of the 
administration in the Philippines. 

Thus it will be seen that ten 
Democrats, three Populists, three 
Silver men, one Independent, and 
Senators Mason and Wellington 
voted for the ratification of the 
treaty absolutely conveying the 
Philippine Islands to the United 
States two days after the breaking 
out of the insurrection, whose sup- 
pression they are denouncing — a 
suppression made absolutely un- 
avoidable by the ratification which 
could not have been accomplished ex- 
cept by the votes of those men, some 
of whom were at that moment i?i close 
consultation with and presumably 
acting by the advice of Mr. Bryan. 

The treaty with the Sultan of 
the Sulu Islands has been criticised 
on the ground that it did not im- 
mediately terminate slavery and 
polgamy. It need scarcely be said 
that the insistence upon such rad- 
ical changes in the long-established 
customs of the people of those 
islands would have rendered the 
treaty of peace with them impos- 
sible; though, as is shown by the 
President's message, a provision is 
made in the treaty that any slave 
shall have the right to purchase 
freedom and that Gen. Gates, who 
made the treaty, was directed to 
communicate to the Sultan that 
' ' this agreement is not to be deemed 
in any way to authorize or give the 
consent of the United States to the 
existence of slavery in the Sulu 

There has also been criticism of 
the fact that the treaty agreed to 
an annual payment to the Sultan 
and certain of his subordinates. 
The sum which it agrees to pay is 
$9,120 per annum, while the sum 
which the Democratic administra- 
tion proposed to pay to the king of 
the Hawaiian Islands and his as- 
sociates, when the treaty of an- 
nexation was negotiated under 
President Pierce in 1854, was $100,- 
000 per annum. 




"Hundreds of thousands of Ignorant Fore- 
igners, who were here taking bread out 
f the mouths of honest labor, voted at 
he last election at the dictation of Mc- 
kinley's supporters. These foreigners com- 
prised fully one -half of the number of 
otes received by McKinley."— James K. 
r ones, United States Senator and Chair- 
nan of the Democratic National Committee, 
January 20 . J 897 . 

" Can there be any doubt as to which will 
>revail, the six and one-half millions of in- 
elligent Bryan voters, or the three and 
►ne-half millions of Ignorant Foreigners 
vho voted for McKinley?" — James K. 
Tones, United Slates Senator and €7iatr- 
nan of the Democratic National Committee, 
January 20,1897. 

The Democratic party is using every effort to induce 
he " Foreign " American citizens to vote for the election 
•f Bryan next November. The Democratic party claims 
hat it has at least secured the German vote for Bryan. 
In the election of 18U6 the " Foreign" vote was cast 
oainly for the election of President McKinley. Shortly 
iter that election in a speech delivered in his own State, 
Arkansas, and addressed to the legislature in joint in- 
ormal session at Little Rock, on the night of Wednes- 
lay. January 20, 1897, Senator and Chairman Jones 
tigmatized the "Foreign" American voters as "Ignorant 
foreigners" as quoted above. 

Senator Jones was then the Chairman of the Demo- 
ratic National Committee. Senator Jones is now the 
Chairman of the Democratic National Committee. He 
s now asking the " Ignorant Foreigners" to vote for 
iryan this year. 

How will the t( Ignorant Foreigners" re- 
pond to the request of Bryan's manager, 
he Democratic National Chairman ? 

Hand, mcnally 4 Co., Printers, Chicago. 


2Ba£ 25t»att'§ SRattagcv fact. 

"&un*crttanfcn*c nnttnffenfcev 2ltt0laul>cr, 
n»el<*)e J)tcr fccr etmtdicn Mtbcit i>a* s £tot an* 
i>em SRunDc nctymcn, ftiwmten <>ci fccr leijtctt 
2$a()l rtwf Cr&er t>on Slnftitngcrn $KRc JBttlcu'** 
Sic .s>alftc frer Stimmcn Me 2Rc$inlc» e* Oielt, 
famcn t><m Mcfcn $(u*lan*crm" — 3ame§ fi. 
3one§, 23unbe§*Senator unb SBorfttjev be£ bemofrattjtfjen 
NatumaMSomiteg, 20. Samiar 1897. 

"$atttt tttrtit jlucifcltt/ toe* fteaen toiffc, Me 
ficbcittcbail) SPliUionen intcUtflenter £ttmmett 
fiir 23rt)an, oi>c* Me l>uttct)aU> s ))l\Uio\\cn 
«ttnttnen nntMffenfcer Muzlanbcv ftitr 9P£c 
Hutlct)?"— 3tome8 ft. 3onc§, 93unbc5»Scnntor unb 
SBorfitjcr be§ bemofratifdjen 9tattoiml«<£mttite8, 20. 3a= 
mtar 1897. 

£>ie bemofratifd)e ^artei ttjut atleg Siftbglidje, "au§lan= 
bifdje" amerifanifcrje s 43iirger fiir s 43rt)an gu genrinnen. 
Sie beljaupter, fie fyabe toenigftenS bie 2)eutfct)en fiir 
$rt)an ficfyer. 

1896 ftimmten bie "2Iu§Ianber" meiftenS fiir ^rafibent 
9ttc$inlet). $urj nad) ber 2Bat)l t)ielt Senator unb $or* 
filler gone§ bor ben Slbgeorbneten feine§ <5taat§, SIrfan* 
fa3, am Hftittrood) ben 20. ^anuar 1897 eine SRebe, in 
raelcfyer er bie "auglanbifdjen" amerifanifdjen SSaljler 
rote oben angefiifyrt, al§ "untotffenbe 5lu3lanber" branfr 

S)amal§ roar Senator $one§ SSorft^er be§ bemofra* 
tifdjen 9?ational*$omite§. ge£t ift Senator $one§ $or= 
fitter be§ bemofratifdjen ^attonal=^omite§. $efct erfud)t 
er bie "untuiffenben 2luS(anber" biefes ^atjr fiir SBrtjan 
§u ftimmen. 

2$ie tuerfccn Me "nn toif fen i> en 2*nS* 
Iftn&et" i>a£ ©efnd) fcon SBrtyan'S SKatta* 
get, &em i>etnof*atifd)en Nationals ©orfitjet, 




"Setki tysi^cy ciemnychobcokrajowcdw, 

tdrzy odejmowali od ust clileb nczciwym 

obotnikom, glosowali przy ostatnich wy- 

orach podlug dyktanda poplecznikdw Mc- 

iinleya. Ci obcokrajowcy stanowili calko- 

ita, polowe; glosdw otrzymanych przez 

cKinleya." — James K. Jones, Senator Sta= 

6w Zjednoczonych i prezes Narodowego Ko= 

litetu Demokratycznego, 20 Stycznia 1897. 

Czy moze bye jakakolwick watpliwosc, 

to zwyci^zy-szesc i pot miljona inteligent 

yeh wyborcdw Bryana, czy trzy i pol niil- 

>na ciemnych poplecznikdw?"— James K. 

mes, Senator Stanow Zjednoczonych i 

rezes Narodowego Komitetu Demokratycz- 

ego, 20. Stycznia 1897. 

Demokratyczna party a stara sie wszelkiemi srod- 
imi do naklonienia "obcokrajowych'' amerykanow 
w przyszle wybory w listopadzie glosowali za 
ryanem. Przyczem Demokraci twierdza, ze przy 
ijmniej niemcy sa juz pozyskani dla Bryana. 
W czasie elekcyi 1896 przewazna czesc glosow Mc- 
inleya stanowili obcokrajowcy. "Wkrotce po elekcyi, 
mator i prezes Jones, we wlasnym swym Stanie Ar- 
msas, w mowie na wspolnej sesyi do legislatury, wy- 
oszonej w &rode wieczorem 20. Stycznia 1897,-napie- 
owal obcokrajowych wyborcow — amerykanow jako 
liemnychobcokrajoiccoic," jak wyzej przytoczono. 
Senator Jones byl wtedy Prezesem Narodowego Ko- 
itetu Demokratycznego. Ten sam Senator Jones 
st i dzi& prezesem tegoz Demokratycznego Komitetu 
:lzis smie namawiacowych "ciemnych obcokrajowcow'''' 
3 glosowania w tym roku za Bryanem. 

Jak tez na to odpowiedza, "Ciemni Ob- 
okrajoivcy" panu prezesowi Narodowego 
omitetu Demokratycznego, a przewddcy 
ryana ? 



"A Buta Kiilf oldiek szazezrei, a kik azert vannak 
itt, hogy kivegyekabecsiiletes munkasok szajabol 
a kenyeret, szavaztak a mult valasztasnal Mc= 
Kinley korteseinek a parancsa szerint. Ezek a 
kulfoldi szavazatok epen felet tettekkiaz osszes 
szvazatoknak, melyeket McKinley kapott." - 
James K. Jones-nak, az Egyesult Allamok Szenatoranak 63 a 
Demokratikus Nemzeti Bizottsag ElnSktnek 1897 januarius 
20. -an tartott beszfcJe'bbl. 

<«Lehet=e ketseg, hogy ki fog gyozni: abates 
fel millio miivelt ember, a kik Bryanra szavaztak 
vagy a harom es fel milli6 Buta Kulfoldi, a kik 
McKinleyre szavaztak?" -James K. Jones-nak, az 
Egyesult Allamok Szenatoranak 6s aDemokrata Nemzeti B«- 
zottsag Elnbkenek 1897 januarius 20.-an tartottbesz6d6bol. 
A demokrata part 6riasi erolkodeseket kovet el, 
hogy rabirja a "Kulfoldi" amerikai polgarokat, hogy 
Bryanra szavazzanak novemberben. A demokrata part 
azt allitja, hogy vegre sikeriilt a nemetek szavazatait 
Bryan szamara biztositania. 

Az i8 9 6.-iki valasztasnal a "Kulfoldi" szavazatok 
legnagyobb resze McKinley Elnokre esett. Rovid 
id6vel ezen valasztas utan Jones Szenator es Bizott- 
sagi Elnok egy beszedben, melyet sajdt allamaban, 
Arkansasban, a Szenatus es Kepviselohaz egyuttes 
iilesehez intezve tartott, Little Rock varosaban, 1897 
ianuarins20.-an, Szerdan este, a "Kulfoldi" amerikai 
szavazokat "Buta KMfoldieknek" belyegezte, mint a 
fentebbi idezetbol kitiinik. 

Jones Szenator akkor a Demokrata Nemzeti Bi 
zottsag elnoke volt. Jones Szenator ma is a Demokrata 
Nemzeti Bizottsag elnoke. Most arra ken *"Butt 
Kulfoldieketr hogy szavazzanak Bryanra az iden. 

Hogyanfognaka-Buta Kiilfoldiek" Bryai 
fokortesenek, a Demokrata Nemzeti Elnokne 
keresere valaszolni? 


Nevzdelani cizinci." 

Co pravil Bryan^v manager. 

"Statisice nevzdelanych cizincu, kte- 
4 brali chleb z list poctive prace, hla- 
»ovalo posledni volbu die pfani McKin- 
eyovych pf ivrzencu. Tito cizinci tvorili 
)lnou polovicku hlasu pro McKinleyho 
>devzdanych." — James K. Jones sena- 
or Spoj. Statu a pf edseda demokrati- 
ckeho narodniho vyboru 20.1edna 1897. 

Muze byti nejake pochyby o torn, co 
mde pre vladati, tech sest apul millionu 
fzdelanych Bryanovych volicu, neb tri 
i pul millionu nevzdelanych cizincu, 
iteri hlasovali pro McKinleyho? James 
K. Jones, senator Spoj. Statu, predseda 
lemokratickeho narodniho vyboru, dne 
20. ledna 1897. 

Demokraticka strana namaba se vsemozne, by 
nimela "cizf americke obcany k blasovani pro 
3ryana v pffstim listopadu Demokraticka stra- 
la tvrdi, ze ziskala pfi nejmensim nemecke 
llasy pro Bryan i . 

Ve volbe roku 1896 byl hlas cizincu odevzdau vy- 
lradne pro zvolem presidenta McKinleybo. Kr&tce po 
c volbe v jedne feci, pfednesene ve vlastnim svem 
txie, Arkansasu a pfednasene z&konod^rne v pravidel- 
lem sezeni v Little Rock, ve stfedu vecer, 20. ledna 
1897, senator a predseda Jones oznacil "cizi americke 
police" za "nevzdelane cizince," jak shora uvedeno. 

Senator Jones byl tehdy pfedsedou demokratickeho 
idrodniho vyboru. Sendtur Jones je nynf pfedsedou 
lemokratickeho vybcru. Zdda nyni ty "nevzdelane" 
rolice, aby hlasovali pro Bryana letos. 

Jak odpovi tito ''nevzdelani cizin- 
zi" na zadost Bryanova managera, 
pfedsedy demokratickeho nar. vyboru? 




" Des centaines de mille Etrangers Ignorants 
qui prenaient ici le pain de la bouche des honnetes 
travailleurs, voterent, a la derniere election, sous 
le controle des partisans de McKinley. Ces etran= 
gers composaient pleinement la moitie du nombre 
de votes recus par McKinley."— James K. Jones, 
Senateur des Etats=Unis et President du Comite 
National Democratique, le 20 Janvier 1897. 

"Peut=il exister aucun doute sur ce qui prevau= 
dra, des six millions et demi de votants intelli= 
gents en faveur de Bryan, ou des trois millions et 
demi d' Etrangers Ignorants qui voterent pour 
McKinley?"— James K. Jones, Senateur des Etats= 
Unis et President du Comite National Democra= 
tique, le 20 Janvier 1897. 

Le Parti Democrate fait tous ses efforts pour deci- 
der les citoyens americains "Etrangers" a voter en 
faveur de 1' election de Bryan en novembre prochain. 
La Parti Democrate pretend s'etre assure, pour le 
moins, du vote allemand en faveur de Bryan. 

A 1' election de 1896 le vote "Etranger" fut donne 
en grande partie en faveur de 1' election du President 
McKinley. Peu apres cette election, dans un discours 
qu*il prononca dans son propre Etat (l'Arkansas), de- 
vant une assemblee conjointe irreguliere de la legisla- 
ture, tenue a Little Rock le soir du mercredi, 20 Jan- 
vier 1897, le Senateur et "Chairman" Jones stigma- 
tisa du nom d' * Etrangers Ignorants les votants Ame- 
ricains d'origine £trangere, ainsi qu'il est mentionne 
plus haut. 

Le Senateur Jones etait alors President du Comite" 
National Democratique. Le Senateur Jones est en- 
core aujourd'hui president de ce meme comite. II 
demande maintenant a. ces "Etrangers Ignorants" de 
voter cette annee pour Bryan. 

Comment ces "Etrangers Ignorants" vont= 
ils repondre a la requete du Directeur de Bryan, 
President du Comite National Democratique? 


"^ttHi>rci>et? af £nftnber af notbenbe U^= 
lambtna/er, font ct tomne *)ib fo* at ta^e *Bro= 
t>et ttb af SRnnben £aa aerlia,e Zlvbeibcte, ftentte 
t>eb forrta,e23ala,, f ont 9JU^tnien£ ^Ufjamaete 
bul> bent* $t£fe UManbtnge? faftebe oOe* 
^alobelcn af be <»tentntev, font aJtc^ittlcn 
flf*"— 3>ame§ £♦ Sotted Sor. @tater§ Senator og 6$air> 
nttit for Den bemofratiffe 9lattoita(*S¥i>mite, 20be 3a= 
mar 1897. 

"$an bet bate no$m £Oiol om, fjoent font 
nil fette : enien be feg o<j en (>alo WliUion op= 
Infte Wotcte fotr tiSwan cUcv be tve o$ en fjalo 
iiniuion noibenbe Ublanbtnget*, font ftentte 
paa 9«cmnlen?"— 3ame§ £. 3oneS, &or. ©inters 
Senator o(j (Sfjatrman for ben bemofratiffe 9tationat= 
Romtte, 20be Snmtar 1897. 

Set bemofratifte s #arti gjOr alt ntultgt for at formaa 
)e "ubenlanbfi'e" amerifanffe SBorgere til at ftemme paa 
Brtjan noafte -iftoOember. Set bemofratiffe ^5artt paa* 
taar, at bet t)av ialfalb fifret fig StifferneS ©temmer for 

$eb SSalget i 1896 bleo be "nbenlanbffe" ©temmer gi= 
)et ljo&ebfagelig for ^refibent 9ftc$tnlet). ®ort efter 
Salget ftemplebe Senator og ©^airman $one§ i en Sale 
il ^egiSIaturen, ber Oar famlet i Sittle died, t l)an§> egen 

tat, 2lrfanfa§, ben 20be ganuar 1897, be ubenlanb§= 
Obte amerifanffe SSotere font "Mubenbe llbtenbtnger," 
om ooenfor anfOrt. 

Senator $one§ oar ben ©ang (^airman for ben bemo= 
ratiffe 9?ational=®omite. Senator $one§ er enbnu (£§air= 
tan for ben bemofratiffe 9?ational=£omite. Qan anmo= 
er nu be "utribenbe Ublrcnbinger" om at oote for 5Brgan 

&oorlebe3 oil be "noibenbe ttbtaenb* 
nget" foare paa 23rnan£ &t\)tct$, ben 
emofrottffe nationaie <$ Uaivinan*, Sintn ob- 




"Honderde duizenden van onwetende vreemdelin- 
gen, die brood nameii uit de moiid van eerlijken ar- 
beid, stonden bij de laatse verkiezhig naar den wil 
van Mc. Kinley's ondersteuners. Deze vreemdelingen 
bedroegen ten voile de helft van het getal der stem- 
men door McKinley verkregen." James K. Jones, 
Senator der Yereenigde Staten en Yoorzitter 


Januari, 1897. 

,,Kau er eenige twijfel zijn wat de bovenhaml zal 
beliouden, de zes en een half millioen van denkende 
stemmen voor Bryan, of de drie en een half million 
onwetende vreemdeliugen die stemde voor McKinley- 

"James K. Jones, Senator der Yereenigde Staten 
en Yoorzitter van het Democbatisch Nationaal 
Comite, 20 Januari, 1897. 

De Democratische partij spant al hare krachten 
in om de vreemde Amerikaansche burgers tebewegen 
om te stemmen voor Bryan in de verkiezing van No- 
vember aanstaande. De Democratische partij beweer 
dat het op zijn minst al vast de stem der Duit>cner: 
voor Bryan gewonnen heeft. 

In de verkiezing van 1896, werdt de stem dei 
"vreemden"hoofdzakeliik uitgebracht voor McKinlej 
Kort na die verkiezing, kenschetste Senator en voor- 
zitter Jones in een rede gehouden in zijn eigen staat, 
Arkansas, toesprekende de in niet formeele zittin< 
zamengekomen vereenigde licham van wetgevingen te 
Little Rock, aan de avond van Woensdag. 20 Januar 
1897, de "vreemde Amerikaansche stemgerechtigdei 
als onwetend vreemdelingen, zooals hierboveii aange 

Wat zallen de "Onwetende Vreemdelingen » 
antwoorden op de oprcep van Bryans manager dei 
voorzitter der Democratisch Rationale Commissie 


""Aircipot Hevoi." 

Tl Xeyec 6 Aievdovrif)s tov Mirpaiv. 
"EKarovraSe? ^tXiaScov cureipoi $evoi, oltlvc; yro iv- 
ravOix a7roXa/xj3dvovT€<i aprov ck rdv (TTO/xaTOiV ivrt/xov 
ipyaacas, iiprjfprjarav ra? 7rape\8ov<ra<; e/cAoyas Ka#' 
virayopzvcriv tiov viroo-TrjpiKTiov tov MaK KiVAeL 'Ai>- 
rot 01 £eVot a7roreAow ax/>t/Sa>9 to ipLrjav 4'k t&v oAaw 
(/rj<f>u)V ovs ZXafiev 6 MaK KiVAeL — JAMES K. JONES, 
repovcrtacrr^s tojv 'Hvw/xeVoov IIoAiTeiGJv Kai IlpoeopOi 
n)s Ayi/jLOKpaTiKr}*; 'EflnK^s Mepi'Sos, 'Iavouapiov 20, 

Awarai va virdpir) apLcpiftoAia ttolov Od eTTiKpaTtcr-q, 
d e£ Kat tp.rjo'v e.Ka.Top.p.vpia ev(pvwv 1/07 </>o<£ dp a>v tov 
Mvpa'tv, r\ rd rpta koli ip.7]o~v eKa.Topip.vpLa direipwv 
eviov afrives exj/rjcprfo-av tov MaK KtVAei." ; — JAMES K. 
[ONES, repoiKTiacrr^s r<2>i/ Hvco/xeVcuv IIoAiTeicov kol 
Upot&pos Trjs 'EiOviKrjs Arj p.OKpaTLKr}s Mept'8os, 'Iavova- 
mou 20, 1897. 

'H ArjfWKpaTiK'q fiepls fierax^ipi^eT ai 8Xa tol p.4<ra vd vqari 
01/s "prows' 1 ' ApxpiKavofc voXiTas vd \j/7)<prj(Tovi> did tj\v 
icXoyrjv tov Mirpaiv tov irpoaexv ^oifi^pvov. 'H AijfJLQKpaTiKT) 
tepis iiratveiTai on *x €t * v t&V &<r<pa\i<TjA€vas to.% TepfiaviK&s 
l/7i<povs did tov Mirpaiv. Kara rds eicXoyds tov 1896 t\ 
1 I-€vt) " \J/i}(f>os wj eiri to irXeltTTov diere'dri irpos eicXoyr/v tov 
Jpoedpov Max KivXe'i. Mer' ov iroXti twv eicXoywv, els Xbyov 
iva itapuv-qdevTa eh ttjv ISiktjv tov iroXiTeiav 'Aptcdvaas Kal 
levdvvo/xevov irpbs t6 vop-odeTiKov Sw/xa eh "qvapihrgv d/cavo- 
iffTov (TweSptaa-LV iv ttj rrbXei At'rX P6k TerdpTijv ecrirepas 
lavovaplov 20, 1 897, 6 Tepov<riao-TT}s Kal HpoeSpos Jones 
Nrf6vey) io~T7]yp.aTio~ev tovs "S^ws" ' Afxepucavovs \f/r)<t>o<po- 
ovs ws " Aireipovs S^vous' 1 Kadus dvwTepu} eppidt). 

'O repou<riacrr?7S Nrfopes i)TO TOTe irpoedpos tt}s 'Edv.K7]s 
7]p.0KpaTLKijs p.epi8o$ : '0 Tepova-iaiTTijs NT^dves elve fj8r] 6 
Ipotdpos tt)% Yidviicrjs fxeptdos. Ovtos fjdr] 
■qTet diro toijs "Aireipovs Aevovs vd \\s-q<$>i)<jovv t6v Mirpaiv 

Ila)? rj&r] p.e\kovv vd d7ravTyjo-ovv ot " " Kireipot 
Hevot" eis ras tKeTevcret? tov hievOovTov tov Mxrpa&v 
ov UpoeSpov Trjs 'YiOviKTjs ArjpLOKpaTiKTJs Mept'So? • 




"Hundra tusentals okunniga utlanningar, hit= 
komna med afsigt att taga brodet ur munnen pa 
arliga amerikanska arbetare, rostade vid sista pre= 
sidentvalet pa anbefallning af McKinleys under= 
stodjare. Dessa okunniga utlanningars roster 
utgjorde med sakerhet halfva antalet roster som 
kastades for McKinley.'*— James K. Jones, For- 
enta Staternas Senator och Ordforande i Demo= 
kratiska NationaI=Komiteen, 20 Januari 1897. 

" Kan det verkligen vara nagot tvifvel om hvil= 
ken sida skall vinna, antingen de sex och en half 
millioner upplysta rostegare som sta for Bryan, 
eller de tre och en half millioner okunniga utlan= 
ningar som rostade for McKinley?" —James K. 
Jones, Forenta Staternas Senator och Ordforande 
i Demokratiska National =Komiteen, 20 Jan. 1897. 

Det demokratiska partiet gor nu hvarje anstrang- 
ning for att fa dessa "utlandska" Amerikanska med- 
borgare till att rosta for Bryan vid valet nasta Novem- 
ber och det pastar sig redan ha ofvervunnit alia tyska 
rostegare i hans favor. 

Vid 1896 ars presidentval kastades de fiesta "ut- 
landska" roster for President McKinley. Kort efter 
detta val, i ett tal han (Jones) holl i sin egen stat, Ar- 
kansas, och framsagdt till legislaturen vid fullt och 
oppet mote i Little Rock Onsdags aftonen den 20 Ja- 
nuari 1897, brannmarkte Senatoren och Ordforanden 
Jones de "utlandska" Amerikanska rostegarne sasom 
varande " okunniga utlanningar," som ofvanstaende 
citering visar. 

Senator Jones var da ordforande i Demokratiska 
National-Komiteen. Senator Jones ar afven nu ord 
forande i samma komite. Han uppmanar nu dessf 
"okunniga utlanningar'' att rosta for Bryan vid stun 
dande presidentval. 

Huru vilja dessa "OKUNNIGA UTLANNINGAR" svan 
pa Bryans kampanj=direktors uppmaning, der 
Demokratiska National =Komiteens Ordforande? 



Centinaia di migliaia di stranieri ignoranti, 
sono qui levando il pane di bocca all'onesto 
jratore, ban no votato nelP ultima elezione die= 
consiglio dei seguaci di McKinley. Questi 
anieri rappresentano una buona meta' dei voti 
McKiniey ricevuti." — James K. Jones, Sena= 
e degli Stati Uniti e Presidente del Comitato 
donale Democratico, 20 Gennaio 1897. 
Puo' esserci mai dubbio fra chi deve prevalere, 
i sei milioni e mezzo di intelligent^ elettori di 
air, oppure, i tre milioni e mezzo d' ignoranti 
inieri che votarono per McKinley ?— James K. 
es, Senatore degli Stati Uniti e Presidente del 
nitato Nazionale Democratico, 20 Gennaio 1897. 

L partito democratico sta usando ogni sforzo per 

irre i cittadini americani "stranieri" a votare per 
ezione di Bryan nel orossimo Novembre. II par- 
democratico reclama di aver per lo meno assicu- 
> il voto Tedesco per Bryan. 

ell' elezione del 1896 il voto "straniero" fu essen- 
mente dato per l'elezione del Presidente McKinley. 
o dopo questa elezione in tin discorso tenuto nel 
prio Stato, Arkansas, e rivolto alia legislatura ag- 

natasi in sessione informale a Little Rock, nella 
di mercoledi' 20 Gennaio 1897, il Senatore e Pre- 

nte Jones, ha stigmatizzato i votanti "stranieri'' 

ricani come " stranieri ignoranti" come sopra 

Senatore Jones era allora il Presidente del Comi- 

Nazionale Democratico. II Senatore Jones e'anche 
sso Presidente del Comitato Nazionale Democratico. 
i domanda che quest'anno gli ''■stranieri igno- 
ti" votino per Bryan. 

omerisponderanno gli "stranieri ianoranti" 
richiestadelPamministratore di Bryan, il Pre= 
ente del Comitato Nazionale Democratico? 

•tSJKJ 1J?¥C3*OKD |"T |K"13 OKI) 

yabim D-iy^nsa jhwvmk pa njyntD ya-iyi:nn " 
jynyn pa ^i» pa o s, nn an jynnyjD^ns* *n |ynx 
edepewi ?wpvhy oyjyjJKjnya D"n jynan ,-iyD"mi 
y?n .|yo«nw R^T jynxn T»BP"n» Djfe*p-pyD &o 
"3*u kh pa Da'pyn yroan a pnyjy:! pnisn D-iy^nw 
— /'jyt^^n-iy ldkh jfaiprpjw Dgn fyon^ ^nxv yi 
~iyvB ins iKD«:yD db"ed nyta^v ,D:xn .p Dio^r 

.1897 ,n« 
fiwyn pjm "t pa nyn bsa^w k |"T *im jyn |jsp" 

-wvuik }k*W>*d atari k njiK »m n njns ,Dnyai&c 
?"fyb^p"py» tb DD^o^ya fyagn dkyi DiyrnNa y 
nji« nKBtuyo de^ed nyts^w ,d:nh .p dd^p- 
20 ,yt^»Kp tajiwto y^t3Kip«»in «n pa jNo-iys:! 

.189? n&m 

»n p'mnya'it posyip yi'Stt jk oy-uim 'C"wb ys^empDin an 
.Tpawnuo pDoayj ;y"->a ■>« lyo'c^ ly^Ssr «i DjyrerD iNpnyoK-pnt<a 
iv n im binn iyB>e""» ijp Dtn t» oonn 'o"»ns ysrcKipwom K"i 

TO OTyriNo ySStt oNoa prawn 1896 vt«» po rsypy^y oyn r«* 
•<y vaSyu ynjn * px 'r^Pv^y oin ^j t^J .iy^>rp-pyo ^a ecces? 
iv o-iwnjt bkh ny yabyn -ijin .onuypiK o"co |"» p« fcb&tw own 

D3Nn jND"iyvo p« -ixojoyD own ,1897 tow jytr20 pjn ,-t)yaN ^nh 
jn:ycnui«" lyosj ojn o'o oiyown jwp'iycNT'^KS kp CBB» , B'yj 

ojtcTyj pox «'N .■'O-tyj'nNQ 

-tnpjcoin Kn pa iwonyvB -iyi ptyiiyj d"?kdk"> r« djnh ^NCKJyD 

jKonyvo ^y^ ovy tin rs o:xn -iNtJKjyD ijin .yo'csp bxjK'VN; p'O 

jnjyD'iuiK " nh tDvy oya ->y .yo'DKP ^on-vnj pxaRnpsam ->yn ps 

jyna tb ins* iyn }y»'L3tr- iyb?Nr "j "onyj^iXB 

nh piymv Diy^nsa xnjyo^ji« «h jyjyp n" , ii 
?l«o"iyvtD ^x^kj p^Kipxojn nyn pa ywi 



Accepting the Nomination of 
the Republican Party. 

Washington, D. C, 

September 10, 1900. 
Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge, 

Chairman Notification Committee: 
My Dear Sir — The nomination of the Republican national convention of June 
19, 1900, for the office of President of the United States, which, as the official repre- 
sentative of the convention, you -have conveyed to me, is accepted. I have carefully 
examined the platform adopted and give to it my hearty approval. 

Upon the great issue of the last national election it is clear. It upholds the gold 
standard and indorses the legislation of the present congress by which that standard 
lias been effectively strengthened. The stability of our national currency is, therefore, 
secure so long as those who adhere to this platform are kept in control of the govern- 


In the first battle, that of 1896, the friends of the gold standard and of sound cur- 
rency were triumphant and the country is enjoying the fruits of that victory. Our 
antagonists, however, are not satisfied. They compel us to a second battle upon the 
same lines on which the first was fought and won. 

While regretting the reopening of this question, which can only disturb the pres- 
ent satisfactory financial condition of the government and visit uncertainty upon our 
great business enterprises, we accept the issue and again invite the sound money 
iforces to join in winning another and we hope a permanent triumph for an 
honest financial system which will continue inviolable the public faith. 


As in 1896, the three silver parties are united under the same leader, who, 
immediately after the election of that year, in an address to the bimetallists, said: 

"The friends of bimetallism have not been vanquished; they have simply been 
overcome. They believe that the gold standard is a conspiracy of the money changers 
against the welfare of the human race — and they will continue the warfare against it." 

The policy thus proclaimed has been accepted and confirmed by these parties. 
The silver Democratic platform of 1900 continues the warfare against the so-called 
gold conspiracy when it expressly says: 

"We reiterate the demand of that (the Chicago) platform of 1896 for an Ameri- 
can financial system made by the American people for themselves, which shall restore 
and maintain a bimetallic price level; and as part of such system the immediate 
restoration of the free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold at the present ratio 
of 16 to 1, without waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation." 


So the issue is presented. It will be noted that the demand is for the imme= 
diate restoration of the free coinage of silver at 16 to i. If another issue is 
^ paramount, this is immediate. It will admit of no delay and will suffer no 

Turning to the other associated parties, we find in the Populist national platform 
, adopted as Sioux Falls. S. D.. May 10, 1900, the following declaration: 

"We pledge anew the People's party never to cease the agitation until this finan- 
cial conspiracy is blotted from the statute book, the Lincoln greenback restored, the 


bonds all paid and all corporation money forever retired. We reaffirm the demand 
for the reopening of the mints of the United States for the free and unlimited coinage 
of silver and gold at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1, the immediate increase in the 
volume of silver coins and certificates thus created to he substituted, dollar for dollar, 
for the bank notes issued by private corporations under special privilege, granted by 
law of March 14, 1900, and prior national banking laws." 5 


The platform of the silver party adopted at Kansas City, July 6, 1900, makes 
the following announcement: 

'"We declare it to be our intention to lend our efforts to the repeal of this cur- 
rency law, which not only repudiates the ancient and time-honored principles of the 
American people before the Constitution was adopted, but is violative of the princi- 
ples of the Constitution itself; and we shall not cease our efforts until there has been 
established in its place a monetary system based upon the free and unlimited coinage 
of silver and gold into money at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1 by the independent 
action of the United States, under which system all paper money shall be issued by 
the government, and all such money coined or issued shall be a full legal tender in 
payment of all debts, public and private, without exception." 


In all three platforms these parties announce that their efforts shall be unceasing 
until the gold act shall be blotted from the statute books and the free and unlimited 
coinage of silver at 16 to 1 shall take its place. 

The relative importance of the issues I do not stop to discuss. All of them are 
important. Whichever party is successful will be bound in conscience to carry into 
administration and legislation its several declarations and doctrine. One declaration 
will be as obligatory as another, but all are not immediate. 

It is not possible that these parties would treat the doctrine of 16 to 1, the im- 
mediate realization of which is demanded by their several platforms, as void and in- 
operative in the event that they should be clothed with power. Otherwise their pro- 
fession of faith is insincere. It is therefore the imperative business of those opposed 
to this financial heresy to prevent the triumph of the parties whose union is only 
assured by adherence to the silver issue. 


Will the American people, through indifference or fancied security, haz= 
ard the overthrow of the wise financial legislation of the past year and revive 
the danger of the silver standard, with all of the inevitable evils of shattered 
confidence and general disaster which Justly alarmed and aroused them in 1896? 

The Chicago platform of 1896 is reaffirmed in its entirety by the Kansas City 
convention. Nothing has been omitted or recalled: so that all the perils then threat- 
ened are presented anew with the added force of a deliberate reaffirmation. Four 
years ago the people refused to place the seal of their approval upon these dangerous 
and revolutionary policies, and this year they will not fail to record again their 
earnest dissent. 


The Republican party remains faithful to its principle of a tariff which supplies 
sufficient revenues for the government and adequate protection to our enterprises and 
producers, and of reciprocity, which opens foreign markets to the fruits of American 
labor and furnishes new channels through which to market the surplus of American 
farms. The time-honored principles of protection and reciprocity were the first 
pledges of Republican victory to be written into public law. 

The present congress has given to Alaska a territorial government for which it 
had waited more than a quarter of a century; has established a representative gov- 
ernment in Hawaii : has enacted bills for the most liberal treatment of the pensioners 
and their widows; has revived the free homestead policy. 

In its great financial law it provided for the establishment of banks of issue 
with a capital of $25,000 for the benefit of villages and rural communities and bring- 
ing the opportunity for profitable business in banking within the reach of moderate 
capital. Many are already availing themselves of this privilege. 


During the past year more than $19,000,000 of United States bonds have been 
paid from the surplus revenues of the treasury, and in addition $25,000,000 of 2 per 

* • 2 

cents matured, called by the government, are in process of payment. Pacific Railroad 
bonds issued by the government in aid of the roads in the sum of nearly $44,000,000 
Iiave been paid since Dec. 31, 1897. The treasury balance is in satisfactory condition, 
showing on Sept. 1 $135,419,000. in addition to the $150,000,000 gold reserve held in 
the treasury. The government's relations with the Pacific railroads have been substan- 
tially closed, $124,421,000 being received from these roads, the greater part in cash 
and the remainder with ample securities for payments deferred. 

Instead of diminishing, as was predicted four years ago, the volume of our cur- 
rency is greater per capita than it has ever been. It was $21.10 in 1890. It had in- 
creased to $26.50 on July 1, 1900, and $26.85 on Sept. 1, 1900. Our total money on 
July 1. 1896, was $1,506,434,966; on July 1. 1900, it was $2,062,425,496, and $2,096,- 
083J342 on Sept. 1, 1900. 


Our industrial and agricultural conditions are more promising than 
they have been for many years; probably more so than they have 
ever been. Prosperity abounds everywhere throughout the republic. 

I rejoice that the southern as well as the northern states are enjoying a full share 
of these improved national conditions and that all are contributing so largely to our 
remarkable industrial development. 

The money lender receives lower rewards for his capital than if it were invested 
in active business. The rates of interest are lower than they have ever been in this 
country, while those things which are produced on the farm and in the workshop, 
.and the labor producing them, have advanced in value. 

Our foreign trade shows a satisfactory and increasing growth. The amount of 
our exports for the year 1900 over those of the exceptionally prosperous year of 1899 
was about half a million dollars for every day of the year, and these sums have gone 
into the homes and enterprises of the people. There has been an increase of over 
■$50,000,000 in the exports of agricultural products, $92,692,220 in manufactures 
and in the products of the mines of over $10,000,000. 


Our trade balances cannot fail to give satisfaction to the people of the country. 
In 1898 we sold abroad $615,432,670 of products more than we bought abroad, in 
1899 $529,874,813 and in 1900 $544,471,701, making during the three years a total 
balance in our favor of $1,089,779,190 — nearly five times the balance of trade in our 
favor for the whole period of 108 years from 1790 to June 30, 1897, inclusive.^ 

Four hundred and thirty-six million dollars of gold have been added to the gold 
stock of the United States since July 1, 1896. The law of March 14, 1900, authorized 
the refunding into 2 per cent, bonds of that part of the public debt represented by 
the 3 per cents due in 1908, the 4 per cents due in 1907 and the 5 per cents due in 
1904, aggregating $840,000,000. More than one-third of the sum of these bonds was 
refunded in the first three months after the passage of the act. and on Sept. 1 the sum 
had been increased more than $33,000,000, making in all $330,578,050, resulting in a 
net saving of over $8,379,520. 


The ordinary receipts of the government for the fiscal year 1900 were $79,527,060 
in excess of its expenditures. 

While our receipts both from customs and internal revenue have been greatly 
increased, our expenditures have been decreasing. Civil and miscellaneous expenses 
for the fiscal year ending June 30. 1900, were nearly $14,000,000 less than in 
1899. while on the war account there is a decrease of more than $95,000,000. There 
were required $8,000,000 less to support the navy this year than last, and ex- 
penditures on account of Indians were nearly two and three-quarter million dollars 
less than in 1899. 

The only two items of increase in the public expenses of 1900 over 1899 are for 
pensions and interest on the public debt. For 1899 we expended for pensions $139,- 
394.929. and for the fiscal year 1900 our payments on this account amounted to $140,- 
877,316. The net increase of interest on the public debt of 1900 over 1899 required 
by the war loan was $203,408.25. 


While congress authorized the government to make a war loan of $400,000,000 
at the beginning of the war with Spain, only $200,000,000 of bonds Avere issued, bear- 
ing 3 per" cent, interest, which were promptly and patriotically taken by our citizens. 


Unless something unforeseen occurs to reduce our revenues or increase our 
expenditures, the congress at its next session should reduce taxation very 

Five years ago we were selling government bonds bearing as high as 5 per cent 
interest. Now we are redeeming them with a bond at par bearing 2 per cent interest. 
We are selling our surplus products and lending our surplus money to Europe. 


One result of our selling to other nations so much more than we have bought 
from them during the past three years is a radical improvement of our financial re- 
lations. The great amounts of capital which have been borrowed of Europe for our 
rapid, material development have remained a constant drain upon our resources for 
interest and dividends and made our money markets liable to constant disbturbances 
by calls for payment or heavy sales of our securities whenever moneyed stringency or 
panic occurred abroad. We have now been paying these debts and bringing home 
many of our securities and establishing countervailing credits abroad by our, loans 
and placing ourselves upon a sure foundation 01 financial independence. 

In the unfortunate contest between Great Britain and the Boer states of South 
Africa the United States has maintained an attitude of neutrality in accord= 
ance with its well=known traditional policy. It did not hesitate, however, when 
requested by the governments of the South African republics, to exercise its good 
offices for a cessation of hostilities. 


It is to be observed that while the South African republics made like request 
of other powers, the United States is the only one which complied. The British gov- 
ernment declined to accept the intervention of any power. 

Ninety-one per cent of our exports and imports are now carried by foreign ships. 
For ocean transportation we pay annually to foreign ship owners over $165,000,000. 
We ought to own the ships for our carrying trade with the world, and we 
ought to build them in American shipyards and man them with American sailors. 
Our own citizens should receive the transportation charges now paid to foreigners. 

I have called the attention of congress to this subject in my several annual mes- 
sages. In that of Dec. Q } 1897, I said: 

"Most desirable from every standpoint of national interest and patriotism is the 
effort to extend our foreign commerce. To this end our merchant marine should be 
improved and enlarged. We should do our full share of the carrying trade of the 
world. We do not do it now. We should be the laggard no longer." 

In my message of Dec. 5, 1899, I said: '"Our national development will be* one- 
sided^and unsatisfactory so long as the remarkable growth of our inland industries 
remains unaccompanied by progress on the seas. There is no lack of constitutional 
authority for legislation which shall give to the country maritime strength commen- 
surate with its industrial achievements and with its rank among the nations of the 

"The past year has recorded exceptional activity in our shipyards, and the prom- 
ises of continual prosperity in shipbuilding are abundant. Advanced legislation for 
the protection of our seamen has been enacted. Our coast trade, under regulations 
wisely framed at the beginning of the government and since., shows results for the 
past fiscal year unequaled in our records or those of any other power. 


"We shall fail to realize our opportunities, however, if Ave complacently regard 
only matters at home and blind ourselves to the necessity of securing our share in 
the valuable carrying trade of the world. 

"I now reiterate these views. 

"A subject of immediate importance to our country is the completion of a great 
waterway of commerce between the Atlantic and Pacific. The construction of a mari- 
time canal is now more than ever indispensable to that intimate and ready communi- 
cation between our eastern and western seaports, demanded by the annexation of the 
Hawaiian Islands and the expansion of our influence and trade in the Pacific. 

"Our national policy more imperatively than ever calls for its completion 
and control by this government, and it is believed that the next session of con- 
gress, after receiving the full report of the commission appointed under the act ap- 
proved March 3, 1899, will make provisions for the sure accomplishment of this 
great work. 



Combinations of capital which control the market in commodities neccessary to 
the general use of the people by suppressing natural and ordinary competition, thus 
enhancing prices to the general consumer, are obnoxious to the common law and the 
public welfare. They are dangerous conspiracies against the public good, and 
should be made the subject of prohibitory or penal legislation. 

Publicity will be a helpful influence to check this evil. Uniformity of legislation 
in the several states should be secured. Discrimination between what is injurious 
and what is useful and necessary in business operations is essential to the wise and 
effective treatment of this subject. 

Honest co-operation of capital is necessary to meet new business conditions and 
extend our rapidly increasing foreign trade, but conspiracies and combinations in- 
tended to restrict business, create monopolies and control prices should be effectively 


The best service which can be rendered to labor is to afford it an opportunity 
for steady and remunerative employment and give it every encouragement for ad- 
vancement. The policy that subserves this end is the true American policy. The past 
three years have been more satisfactory to American workingmen than many preced- 
ing years. Any change of the present industrial or financial policy of the govern- 
ment would be disastrous to their highest interests. 

With prosperity at home and an increasing foreign market for American products 
employment should continue to wait upon labor, and with the present gold standard 
the workingman is secured against payment for his labor in a depreciated currency. 
For labor a short day is better than a short dollar. One will lighten the bur- 
dens, the other lessens the rewards of toil. The one will promote contentment and 
independence, the other penury and want. 


The wages of labor should be adequate to keep the home in comfort, educate the 
children, and, with thrift and economy, lay something by for the days of infirmity 
and old age. 

Practical civil service reform has always had the support and encouragement 
of the Republican party. The future of the merit system is safe in its hands. 

During the present administration as occasions have arisen for modification or 
amendment in the existing civil service law and rules, they have been made. Impor- 
tant amendments were promulgated by executive order under date of May 29, 1899, 
having for their principal purpose the exception from competitive examination of 
certain places involving fiduciary responsibilities or duties of a strictly confidential, 
scientific or executive character, which it was thought might better be filled by non- 
competitive examination or by other tests of fitness in the discretion of the appoint- 
ing officer. 


It is gratifying that the experience of more than a year has vindicated these 
changes in the marked improvement of the public service. 

The merit system, as far as practicable, is made the basis for appointments to 
office in our new territory. 

The American people are profoundly grateful to the soldiers, sailors and mar- 
ines who have in every time of conflict fought their country's battles and defended 
it? - , honor. The survivors and the widows and orphans of those who have fallen are 
justly entitled to receive the generous and considerate care of the nation. 

Few are now left of those who fought in the Mexican war, and while many of 
the veterans of the civil war are still spared to us their numbers are rapidly diminish- 
ing, and age and infirmity are increasing their dependence. These, with the soldiers 
of the Spanish war, will not be neglected by their grateful countrymen. The pension 
laws have been liberal. They should be justly administered, and will be. Preference 
should be given to the soldiers, sailors and marines, their widows and orphans, with 
respect to employment in the public service. 


We have been in possession of Cuba since the first of January, 1899. We have 
restored order and established domestic tranquility. We have fed the starving, 
clothed the naked, and ministered to the sick. We have improved the sanitary condi- 


tion of the island. We have stimulated industry, introduced public education, and 
taken a full and comprehensive enumeration of the inhabitants. 

The qualification of electors has been settled and under it officers have been 
chosen for all the municipalities of Cuba. These local governments are now in oper- 
ation, administered by the people. Our military establishment has been reduced from 
43,000 soldiers to less than 0,000. 

An election has been ordered to be held on the loth of September under a fair 
election law already tried in the municipal elections, to choose members of a constitu- 
tional convention, and the convention, by the same order, is to assemble on the first 
Monday of November to frame a constitution upon which an independent government 
for the island will rest. All this is a long step in the fulfillment of our sacred 
guarantees to the people of Cuba. 


We hold Porto Rico by the same title as the Philippines. The treaty of peace 
which ceded us the one conveyed to us the other. Congress has given to this island a 
government in which the inhabitants participate, elect their own legislature, enact 
their own local laws, provide their own system of taxation, and in these respects have 
the same power and privileges enjoyed by other territories belonging to the United 
States and a much larger measure of self-government than was given to the inhabi- 
tants of Louisiana under Jefferson. A district court of the United States for Porto 
Pico has been established and local courts have been inaugurated, all of which are 
in operation. 

The generous treatment of the Porto Ricans accords with the most liberal thought 
of our own country and encourages the best aspirations of the people of the island. 
While they do not have instant free commercial intercourse with the United States, 
congress complied with my recommendation by removing, on the 1st day of May last, 
85 per cent of the duties and providing for the removal of the remaining 15 per cent 
on the 1st of March, 1902, or earlier if the legislature of Porto Rico shall provide 
local revenues for the expenses of conducting the government. „ 


During this intermediate period Porto Rican products coming into the United 
States pay a tariff of 15 per cent of the rates under the Dingley act and our goods 
going to Porto Rico pay a like rate. The duties thus paid and collected both in Porto 
Rico and the United States are paid to the government of Porto Rico and no part 
thereof is taken by the national government. 

All of the duties from Nov. 1, 1898, to June 30. 1900, aggregating the sum of 
$2,250,523.21, paid at the custom-houses in the United States upon Porto Rican pro- 
ducts, under the laws existing prior to the above-mentioned act of congress, have 
gone into the treasury of Porto Rico to relieve the destitute and for schools and other 
public purposes. In addition to this, we have expended for relief, education and im- 
provement of roads the sum of $1,513,084.95. 


The United States military force in the island has been reduced from 11.000 to 
1,500, and native Porto Ricans constitute for the most part the local constabulary. 

Under the new law and the inauguration of civil government there has been a 
gratifying revival of business. The manufactures of Porto Rico are develop= 
ing; her imports are increasing; her tariff is yielding increased returns; 
her fields are being cultivated; free schools are being established. 
Notwithstanding the many embarrassments incident to a change of national condi- 
tions, she is rapidly showing the good effects of her new relations to this nation. 

For the sake of full and intelligent understanding of the Philippine question and 
to give to the people authentic information of the acts and aims of the administration, 
I present at some length the events of importance leading up to the present situation. 
The purposes of the executive are best revealed and can best be judged by what he 
has done and is doing. 


It will be seen that the power of the government has been used for the 
liberty, the peace and the prosperity of the Philippine peoples, and that force 
has been employed only against force which stood in the way of the realiza- 
tion of these ends. 

On the 25th day of April, 1898. congress declared that a state of war existed be- 
between Spain and the United States. On May 1, 1898, Admiral Dewey destroyed 

the Spanish fleet in Manila Bay. On May 19, 1898, Major General Merritt, U. S. A.; 
was placed in command of the military expedition to Manila and directed among 
other things to immediately "publish a proclamation declaring that we come not to 
make war upon the people of the Philippines nor upon any party or faction among 
them, but to protect them in their homes, in their employments, and in their per- 
sonal and religious rights. All persons who, either by active aid or by honest sub- 
mission, co-operate with the United States in its efforts to give effect to this benefi- 
cent purpose will receive the reward of its support and protection." 


On July 3, 1808. the Spanish fleet in attempting to escape from Santiago harbor 
was destroyed by the American fleet, and on July 17, 1898. the Spanish garrison in 
the city of Santiago surrendered to the commander of the American forces. 

Following tbese brilliant victories, on the 12th day of August, 1898, upon the 
initiative of Spain, hostilities were suspended, and a protocol was signed with a view 
to arranging terms of peace between the two governments. In pursuance thereof I 
appointed as commissioners the following distinguished citizens to conduct the nego- 
tiations on the part of the United States: Hon. William R. Day of Ohio. Hon. 
William P. Five of Maine, Hon. Cushman K. Davis of Minnesota, Hon. George Gray 
of Delaware and Hon. Whitelaw Reid of Xew York. 


In addressing the peace commission before its departure for Paris, I said: 
"It is my wish that throughout the negotiations intrusted to the commission the 
purpose and spirit with which the United States accepted the unwelcome necessity 
of war should be kept constantly in view. We took up arms only in obedience to the 
dictates of humanity and in the fulfillment of high public and moral obligations. We 
had no design of aggrandizement and no ambition of conquest. 

"Through the long course of repeated representations which preceded and aimed 
to avert the struggle and in the final arbitrament of force this country Avas impelled 
solely by the purpose of relieving grievous wrongs and removing long existing condi- 
tions which disturbed its tranquility, which shocked the moral sense of mankind and 
which could no longer be endured. 


"It is my earnest wish that the United States in making peace should follow the 
same high rule of conduct which guided it in facing war. It should be as scrupulous 
and magnanimous in the concluding settlement as it was just and humane in its 
original action. * * * Our aim in the adjustment of peace should be directed to 
lasting results and to the achievement of the common good under the demands of 
civilization rather than to ambitious designs. " :: " * * 

"Without any original thought of complete or even partial acquisition, the pres- 
ence and success of our arms at Manila impose upon us obligations which we cannot 
disregard. The march of events rules and overrules human action. Avowing unre- 
servedly the purpose which has animated all our effort, and still solicitous to adhere 
to it. we cannot be unmindful that without any desire or design on our part the war 
has brought us new duties and responsibilities which we must meet and discharge as 
becomes a great nation on whose growth and career, from the beginning, the Ruler 
of Nations has plainly written the high command and pledge of civilization." 


On Oct. 28, 1898, while the peace commission was continuing its negotiations in 
Paris, the following additional instruction was sent: 

"It is imperative upon us that as victors we should be governed only by motives 
which will exalt our nation. Territorial expansion should he our least concern; that 
we shall not shirk the moral obligations of our victory is of the greatest. 

"It is undisputed that Spain's authority is permanently destroyed in every part 
of the Philippines. To leave any part in her feeble control now would increase our 
difficulties and be opposed to the interest of humanity. * ~ :: " * Nor can we per- 
mit Spain to transfer any of the islands to another power. Nor can we invite an- 
other power or powers to join the United States in sovereignty over them. We 
must either hold them or turn them back to Spain. 


"Consequently, grave as are the responsibilities and unforeseen as are the diffi- 
culties which are before us, the President can see but one plain path of duty, the 

acceptance of the archipelago. Greater difficulties and more serious complications — 
administrative and international — would follow any other course. 

"The President has given to the views of the commissioners the fullest consider- 
ation, and in reaching the conclusion above announced, in the light of information 
communicated to the commission and to the President since your departure, he has 
been influenced by the single consideration of duty and humanity. The President 
is not unmindful of the distressed financial condition of Spain, and whatever consid- 
eration the United States may show must come from its sense of generosity and 
benevolence rather than from any real or technical obligation." 


Again, on Nov. 13, I instructed the commission: 

"From the standpoint of indemnity, both the archipelagoes (Porto Pico and the 
Philippines) are insufficient to pay our war expenses, but aside from this, do we 
not Owe an obligation to the people of the Philippines which will not permit us to 
return them to the sovereignty of Spain? Could we justify ourselves in such a 
course, or could we permit their barter to some other power? 

"Willing or not, we have the responsibility of duty which we cannot escape. 
* * * The President cannot believe any division of the archipelago can bring us 
anything but embarrassment in the future. The trade and commercial side, as well 
as the indemnity for the cost of the war, are questions we might yield. They might 
be waived or compromised, but the questions of duty and humanity appeal to the 
President so strongly that he can find no appropriate answer but the one he has 
here marked out." 


The treaty of peace was concluded on Dec. 10, 1898. By its terms the archipel- 
ago, known as the Philippine Islands, was ceded by Spain to the United States. It 
was also provided that "the civil rights and political status of the native inhabitants 
of the territories hereby ceded to the United States shall be determined by the con- 

Eleven days thereafter, on Dec. 21, the following direction was given to the com- 
mander of our forces in the Philippines : 

* * * "The military commander of the United States is enjoined to make known 
io the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands that, in succeeding to the sovereignty of 
Spain, in severing the former political relations of the inhabitants and in estab- 
lishing a new political power, the authority of the United States is to be exerted 
for the securing of the persons and property of the people of the islands and for the 
confirmation of all their private rights and relations. It will be the duty of the 
commander of the forces of occupation to announce and proclaim in the most 
public manner that we come not as invaders or conquerors, but as friends, 
to protect the natives in their homes, in their employments and in their personal 
and religious rights." 


In order to facilitate the most humane, pacific and effective extension of author- 
ity throughout these islands, and to secure, with the least possible delay, the benefits 
of a wise and generous protection of life and property to the inhabitants, I appointed 
in January, 1899, a commission consisting of Hon. Jacob Gould Schurman of New 
York, Admiral George Dewey, U. S. N. ; Hon. Charles Denby of Indiana, Professor 
Dean C. Worcester of Michigan and Major General Elwell S. Otis, U. S. A. Their 
instructions contained the following : 

"In the performance of this duty the commissioners are enjoined to meet at 
the earliest possible day in the City of Manila, and to announce by a public proclama- 
tion their presence and the mission intrusted to them, carefully setting forth that, 
while the military government already proclaimed is to be maintained and continued 
so long as necessity may require, efforts will be made to alleviate the burden of taxa- 
tion, to establish industrial and commercial prosperity.' and to provide for the safety 
of persons and of property by such means as may be found conducive to these ends. 


"The commissioners will endeavor, without interference with the military 
authorities of the United States now in control of the Philippines, to ascertain 
what amelioration in the condition of the inhabitants and what improvements in 
public order may be practicable, and for this purpose they will study attentively the 
existing social and political state of the various populations, particularly as regards 
the forms of local government, the administration of justice, the collection of cus- 

<toms and other taxes, the means of transportation, and the need of public improve- 
ments. They will report * * * the results of their observations and reflections, 
and will recommend such executive action as may from time to time seem to them 
wise and useful. 

"The commissioners are hereby authorized to confer authoritatively with any 
persons resident in the islands from whom they may believe themselves able to de- 
rive information or suggestions valuable for the purposes of their commission, or 
whom they may choose to employ as agents, as may be necessary for this pur- 
pose. * * * 


"It is my desire that in all their relations with the inhabitants of the islands 
the commissioners exercise due respect for all the ideals, customs and institutions 
of the tribes which compose the population, emphasizing upon all occasions the just 
and beneficent intentions of the government of the United States. 

"it is also my wish and expectation that the commissioners may be received 
in a manner due to the honored and authorized representatives of the American Re- 
public, duly commissioned on account of their knowledge, skill and integrity as bear- 
ers of the good will, the protection and the richest blessings of a liberating rather 
than a. conquering nation."' 

On the Gth of February, 1899, the treaty was ratified by the senate of the Uni- 
ted States, and the congress immediately appropriated $20,000,000 to carry out its 
provisions. The ratifications were exchanged by the United States and Spain on the 
11th of April, 1899. 

As early as April. 1899, the Philippine commission, of which Dr. Schurman was 
president, endeavored to bring about peace in the islands by repeated conferences 
with leading Tagalogs representing the so-called insurgent government, to the 
end that some general plan of government might be Offered them which they would 


So great was the satisfaction of the insurgent commissioners with the form 
of government proposed by the American commissioners that the latter submitted 
the proposed scheme to me for approval, and my action thereon is shown by the cable 
message following: 

"May 5, 1899. Schurman, Manila: — Yours 4th received. You are authorized 
to propose that, under the military power of the President, pending action of con- 
gress, government of the Philippine Islands shall consist of a governor general 
appointed by the President, cabinet appointed by the governor general, a general 
advisory council elected by the people, the qualifications of electors to be carefully 
considered and determined, and the governor general to have absolute veto. Judi- 
ciary strong and independent, principal judges appointed by the President. The 
cabinet and judges to be chosen from natives or Americans, or both, having regard 
to fitness. 

The President earnestly desires the cessation of bloodshed and that the 
people of the Philippine Islands at an early date shall have the largest meas- 
ure of local self=government consistent with peace and good order." 


In the latter part of May another group of representatives came from the in- 
surgent leader. The whole matter was fully discussed with them and promise of 
acceptance seemed near at hand. They assured our commissioners they would return 
after consulting with their leader, but they never did. 

As a result of the views expressed by the first Tagalog representative favorable 
to the plan of the commission, it appears that he was, by military order of the in- 
surgent leader, stripped of his shoulder straps, dismissed from the army and sen- 
tenced to twelve years' imprisonment. 

The views of the commission are best set forth in their own words: 

''Deplorable as war is. the one in which we are now engaged was unavoidable 
by us. We were attacked by a bold, adventurous and enthusiastic army. No alter- 
native was left to us except ignominious retreat. 


"It is not to be conceived of that any American would have sanctioned the sur- 
render of Manila to the insurgents. Our obligations to other nations and to the 
friendly Filipinos and to ourselves and our flag demanded that force should be met 
by force. Whatever the future of the Philippines may be, there is no course open 


to us now except the prosecution of the war until the insurgents are reduced to 

"The commission is of the opinion that there has been no time since the de- 
struction of the Spanish squadron by Admiral Dewey when it was possible to with- 
draw our forces from the islands either with honor to ourselves or with safety to- 
the inhabitants." 

After the most thorough study of the peoples of the archipelago the commis- 
sion reported, among other things: 

"Their lack of education and political experience, combined with their racial 
and linguistic diversities, disqualify them, in spite of their mental gifts and domestic 
virtues, to undertake the task of governing the archipelago at the present time. 
The most that can be expected of them is to co-operate with the Americans in the 
administration of general affairs, from Manila as a center, and to undertake, sub- 
ject to American control or guidance (as may be found necessary) the administration 
of provincial and municipal affairs. * * * 


"Should our power by any fatality be withdrawn, the commission believes that 
the government of the Philippines would speedily lapse into anarchy, which would 
excuse, if it did not necessitate, the intervention of other powers, and the eventual 
division of the islands among them. Only through American occupation, therefore, 
is the idea of a free, self-governing and united Philippine commonwealth at all con- 
ceivable. * " :: ~ '* 

"Thus the welfare of the Filipinos coincides with the dictates of national honor 
in forbidding our abandonment of the archipelago. We cannot from any point of 
view escape the responsibilities of government which our sovereignty entails, and the 
commission is strongly persuaded that the performance of our national duty will 
prove the greatest blessing to the peoples of the Philippine islands." 

Satisfied that nothing further could be accomplished in pursuance of their 
mission until the rebellion was suppressed, and desiring to place before the congress 
the result of their observations, I requested the commission to return to the United 
States. Their most intelligent and comprehensive report was submitted to congress. 


In March, 1900, believing that the insurrection was practically ended and earn- 
estly desiring to promote the establishment of a stable government in the archipel- 
ago, I appointed the following civil commission: Hon. William H. Taft of Ohio. 
Professor Dean C. Worcester of Michigan, Hon. Luke I. Wright of Tennessee, Hon. 
Henry G. Ide of Vermont", and Hon. Bernard Moses of California. My instructions 
to them contained the following: 

"You (the Secretary of war) will instruct the commission * * * to devote 
their attention in the first instance to the establishment of municipal governments, 
in which the natives of the islands, both in the cities and in the rural communities,, 
shall be afforded the opportunity to manage their own local affairs to the fullest ex- 
tent of which they are capable and subject to the least degree of supervision and 
control which a careful study of their capacities and observation of the workings of 
native control show to be consistent with the maintenance of law. order and lov- 
altv. * * * 


"Whenever the commission is of the opinion that the condition of affairs in the 
islands is such that the central administration may safely be transferred from mili- 
tary to civil control they will report that conclusion to you (the Secretary of War) , 
with their recommendations as to the form of central government to be established 
for the purpose of taking over the control. """ * * 

"Beginning with the 1st day of September, 1900. the authority to exercise, sub- 
ject to my approval through the Secretary of War, that part of the power of gov- 
ernment in the Philippine Islands which is of a legislative nature is to be trans- 
ferred from the military governor of the islands to this commission, to* be thereafter 
exercised by them in the place and stead of the military governor, under such rules 
and regulations* as you (the Secretary of War) shall prescribe, until the establish- 
ment of the civil central government for the islands contemplated in the last fore- 
going paragraph or until congress shall otherwise provide. 


"Exercise of this legislative authority will include the making of rules and 
orders having the effect of law for the raising of revenue by taxes, customs duties and 


imposts; the appropriation and expenditure of the public funds of the islands; the 
establishment of an educational system throughout the islands ; the establishment 
of a system to secure an efficient civil service; the organization and establishment 
of courts; the organization and establishment of municipal and departmental gov- 
ernments, and all other matters of a civil nature for which the military governor is 
now competent to provide by rules or orders of a legislative character. The com- 
mission will also have power during the same period to appoint to office such officers 
under the judicial, educational and civil service systems and in the municipal and 
departmental governments as shall be provided for. • * * *" 


Until congress shall take action I directed that : 

"Upon every division and branch of the government of the Philippines must be 
imposed these inviolable rules: That no person shall be deprived of life, liberty 
or property without due process of law; that private property shall not be taken for 
public use without just compensation; that in all criminal prosecutions the accused 
shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, to be informed of the nature and 
cause of the accusation, to be confronted with the witnesses against him, to have com- 
pulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of 
counsel for his defense : that excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines 
imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishment inflicted; that no person shall be put 
twice in jeopardy for the same offense, or be compelled in any criminal case to be a 
witness against himself; that the right to be secure against unreasonable searchers 
and seizures shall not be violated; that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude 
shall exist except as a punishment for crime; that no bill of attainder or ex post 
facto law shall be passed; that no law shall be passed abridging the freedom of 
speech or of the press, or the rights of the people to peaceably assemble and petition 
the government for a redress of grievances; that no law shall be made respecting: 
the establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, and that the 
free exercise and enjoyment of religious profession and worship without discrimina- 
tion or preference shall forever be allowed. * * * 


"It will be the duty of the commission to promote and extend, and. as they find 
occasion, to improve, the system of education already inaugurated by the military 
authorities. In doing this they should regard as of first importance the extension of 
a system of primary education which shall be free to all, and which shall tend to fit 
the people for the duties of citizenship, and for the ordinary avocations of a civilized 
community. * * * Especial attention should be at once given to affording full 
opportunity to all the people of the islands to acquire the use of the English lan- 
guage. * * * 

"Upon all officers and employes of the United States, both civil and military, 
should be impressed a sense of the duty to observe not merely the material, but the 
personal and social rights of the people of the islands, and to treat them with the 
same courtesy and respect for their personal dignity which the people of the United 
States are accustomed to require from each other. 


"The articles of capitulation of the City of Manila on the 13th of August. 1898. con- 
cluded with these words : 'This city, its inhabitants, its churches, and religious worship, 
its educational establishments and its private property of all descriptions, are placed under 
the special safeguard of the faith and honor of the American army.' 

"I believe that this pledge has been faithfully kept. As high and sacred an obligation 
rests upon the government of the United States to give protection for property and life, 
civil and religious freedom, and. wise, firm and unselfish guidance in the path's of peace 
and prosperity to all the people of the Philippine Islands. I charge this commission to 
labor for the full performance of this obligation, which concerns the honor and con- 
science of their country, in the firm hope that through their labors all the inhabitants of the 
Philippine Islands may come to look back with gratitude to the day when God gave victory 
to American arms at Manilla and set their land under the sovereignty and the protection of 
the people of the United States." 


That all might share in the regeneration of the islands and participate in their gov- 
ernment. I directed General MacArthur. the military governor of the Philippines, to issue 
a proclamation of amnesty, which contained, among other statements, the following : 

Manila. P. I.. June 21, 1900. — By direction of the President of the United States the 
undersigned announces amnesty, with complete immunity for the past and absolute lib- 
erty of action for the future, to all persons who are now, or at any time since Feb. 4. 1899, 
have been in insurrection against the United States in either a military or civil capacity! 


and who shall, within a period of ninety days from the date hereot\_forinally renounce 
all connection with such insurrection and subscribe to a declaration acknowledging and 
accepting the sovereignty and authority of the United States in and over the Philippine 

"The privilege herewith published is extended to all concerned without any reserva- 
tion whatever, excepting that persons who have violated the laws of war during the period 
of active hostilities are not embraced within the scope of~this amnesty. . * * * 


"In order to mitigate as much as possible consequences resulting from the various 
disturbances which since 1896 have succeeded each other so rapidly, and to provide in 
some measure for destitute Filipino soldiers during the transitory period which must in- 
evitably succeed a general peace, the military authorities of the United States will pay 
30 pesos to each man who presents a rifle in good condition." 

Under their instructions the commission, composed of representative Americans of 
different sections of the country and from different political parties whose character and 
ability guarantee the most faithful intelligence and patriotic service, are now laboring to 
establish stable government under civil control, in which the inhabitants shall participate, 
giving them opportunity to demonstrate how far they are prepared for self-government. 


This commission, under date of Aug. 21, 1900, makes an interesting report, from which 
I quote the following extracts : 

"Hostility against Americans was originally aroused by absurd falsehoods of un- 
scrupulous leaders. The distribution of troops in 300 posts has by contact largely dis- 
pelled hostility, and steadily improved temper of people. This improvement is furthered 
by abuses of insurgents. Large numbers of people long for peace and are willing to ac- 
cept government under the United States. 

"Insurgents not surrendering after defeat divided into small guerilla bands under 
general officers or become robbers. Nearly all of the prominent generals and politicians of 
the insurrection, except Aguinaldo, have since been captured or have surrendered and 
taken the oath of allegiance. * * * 

"All northern Luzon, except two provinces, substantially free from insurgents. Peo- 
ple busy planting, and asking for municipal organization. * Railway and telegraph lines 
from Manila to Dagupan, 122 miles, not molested for five months. * * * 


"Tagalogs alone active in leading guerilla warfare. In Negros, Cebu, Romblon, Mas- 
bate, Sibuyan. Tablas. Bohol and other Philippine islands little disturbance exists, and 
civil government eagerly awaited. * * * 

"Four years of war and lawlessness in parts of islands have created unsettled con- 
ditions. * * * Native constabulary and militia, which should be organized at -once, 
will end this and the terrorism to which defenseless people are subjected. The natives 
desire to enlist in these organizations. If judiciously selected and officered, will be effi- 
cient forces for maintenance of order, and will permit early material reduction of United 
States troops. * * * 

"Turning islands over to coterie of Tagalog politicians will blight fair prospects of 
enormous improvement, drive out capital, make life and property secular and religions 
most insecure : banish by fear of cruel proscription considerable body of conservative 
Filipinos who have aided Americans in well-founded belief that their people are not now 
fit for self-government, and reintroduce same oppression and corruption which existed m 
all provinces under Malolos insurgent government during the eight months of its control. 
The result will be factional strife between jealous leaders, chaos and anarchy, and will 
require and justify active intervention of our government or some other. * * * 


"Business interrupted by war much improved as peace extends. * * * In Negros 
more sugar in cultivation than ever before. New forestry regulations give impetus to 
timber trade and reduce high price of lumber. The customs collections for last quarter 
50 per cent, greater than ever in Spanish history, and August collections show further 
increase. The total revenue for same period one-third greater than in any quarter under 
Spain, though cedula tax, chief source of Spanish revenue, practically abolished. 

"Economy and efficiency of military government have created surplus fund of $6,000,- 
000, which should be expended in much needed public works, notably improvement of 
Manila harbor. * * * With proper tariff and facilities Manila will become great port 
of Orient." 

The commission is confident that "by a judicious customs law, reasonable land tax 
and proper corporation franchise tax, imposition of no greater rate than that in the aver- 
age American state will give less annoyance and with peace will produce revenues suffi- 
cient to pay expenses of efficient government, including militia and constabulary." 


They "are preparing a stringent civil service law giving equal opportunity to Filipinos, 
and Americans, with preference for the former where qualifications are equal, to enter 
at the lowest rank and by proration reach head of department. * * * 

"Forty-five miles of railroad extension under negotiation will give access to a large 
province rich in valuable minerals, a mile high, with strictly temperate climate. * * 
Railroad construction will give employment to many and communication will furnish a 
market to vast stretches of rich agricultural lands." 

They report that there are "calls from all parts of the islands for public schools, 
school supplies and English teachers, greater than the commission can provide until a 
comprehensive school system is organized. Night schools for teaching English to adults 


are being established in response to popular demand. Native children show aptitude in 
learning English. Spanish is spoken by a small fraction of people, and in a few years 
the medium of communication in the courts, public offices and between different tribes will 
be English. 


"Creation of central government within eighteen months, under which substantially 
all rights described in the bill of rights in the federal Constitution are to be secured to 
the people of the Philippines, will bring to them contentment, prosperity, education and 
political enlightenment." 

This shows to my countrymen what has been and is being done to bring the benefits 
of liberty and good government to these wards of the nation, fcvery effort has been di= 
rected to their peace and prosperity, their advancement and welUbeing, not for our aegrandize= 
ment nor for pride of miuht, not for trade or commerce, not f»r exploitation, but for human- 
ity and civilization, and for the protection of the vast majority of the population who wel- 
come our sovereignty against the designing minority whose first demand after the surrender 
of Manila by the Spanish army was to enter the city that they might loot it and destroy 
those not in sympathy with their selfish and treacherous designs. 


Nobody who will avail himself of the facts will longer hold that there was any alli- 
ance between our soldiers and the insurgents or that any promise of independence was 
made to them. Long before their leader had reached Manila they had resolved, if the 
commander of the American navy would give them arms with which to fight the Spanish 
army, they would later turn upon us, which they did murderously and without the shadow 
of cause or justification. 

There may be those without the means of full information who believe that we were 
in alliance with the insurgents and that we assured them that they should have independ- 
ence. To such let us repeat the facts : 

On the 26th of May, 1898, Admiral Dewey was instructed by me to make no alliance 
with any party or faction in the Philippines that would incur liability to maintain their 
cause in the future, and he replied under date of June 6, 1898 : 

"Have acted according to spirit of department's instructions from the beginning, and 
I have entered into no alliance with the insurgents or with any faction. This squadron 
can reduce the defenses of Manila at any moment, but it is considered useless until the 
arrival of sufficient United States forces to retain possession." 


In the report of the first Philippine commission, submitted on Nov. 2, 1899, Admiral 
Dewey, one of its members, said : 

"No alliance of any kind was entered into with Aguinaldo nor was any promise of in- 
dependence made to him at any time." 

General Merritt arrived in the Philippines on July 25, 1898, and a dispatch from Ad- 
miral Dewey to the government at Washington said : 

"Merritt arrived yesterday. Situation is most critical at Manila. The Spanish may 
surrender at any moment. Merritt's most difficult problem will be how to deal with the 
insurgents under Aguinaldo, who have become aggressive and even threatening toward our 

Here is revealed the spirit of the insurgents as early as July. 1898. before the protocol 
was signed, while we were still engaged in active war with Spain. Even then the insur- 
gents were threatening our army. 


On Aug. 13, Manila was captured, and of this and subsequent events the Philippine 
commission says : 

"When the City of Manila was taken, Aug. 13, the Filipinos took no part in the attack, 
but came following in with a view to looting the city and were only prevented from doing 
so by our forces preventing them from entering. Aguinaldo claimed that he had the right 
to occupy the city. He demanded of General Merritt the palace of Malacanan for him- 
self and the cession of all the churches of Manila, also that a part of the money taken 
from the Spaniards as spoils of war should be given up. and. above all, that he should 
be given the arms of the Spanish prisoners. All these demands were refused." 


Generals Merritt. Greene and Anderson, who were in command at the beginning of 
our occupation and until the surrender of Manila, state that there was no alliance with 
the insurgents and no promise to them of independence. Oh Aug. 17, 1898, General Mer- 
ritt was instructed that there must be no joint occupation of Manila with the insurgents. 
General Anderson, under date of Feb. 10, 1900, says that he was present at the interview 
between Admiral Dewey and the insurgent leader, and that in this interview Admiral Dewey 
made no promises whatever. He adds : 

"He (Aguinaldo) asked me if my government was going to recognize his government. 
I answered that I was there simply in a military capacity ; that I could not acknowledge 
his government, because I had no authority to do so." 


Would not our adversaries have sent Dewey's fleet to Manila to capture and destroy 
the Spanish sea power there, or. dispatching it there, would they have withdrawn it after 
the destruction of the Spanish fleet : and if the latter, whither would they have directed 
it to sail? Where could it have gone? What port in the Orient was opened to it? 

Do our adversaries condemn the expedition under the command of General Merritt to 


strengthen Dewey in the distant ocean and assist in our triumph over Spain, with which 
nation we were at war? Was it not our highest duty to strike Spain at every vulnerable 
point, that the war might be successfully concluded at the earliest practicable moment 7 


And was it not our duty to protect the lives and property of those who came within 
our control by the fortunes of war? Could we have come away at any time between May 
1. 1S98, and the conclusion of peace without a stain upon our good name? Could we have 
come away without dishonor at any time after the ratification of the peace treaty by the 
senate of "the United States? 

There has been no time since the destruction of the enemy's fleet when we could or should 
have left the Philippine archipelaeo. After the treaty of peace was ratified no power but 
congress could surrender our sovereignty or alienate a foot of *b«» territory thus acquired. 
The congress has not seen fit to do the one or the other, and the President had no authority 
to do either, if he had been so inclined, which he was not. 

So long as the sovereignty remains in us it is the duty of the executive, whoever he 
may be, to uphold that sovereignty, and if it be attacked to suppress its assailants. Would 
our political adversaries do less? 


It has been asserted that there would have been no fighting in the Philippines if con- 
gress had declared its purpose to give independence to the Tagal insurgents. The insur- 
gents did not wait for the action of congress. They assumed the offensive, they opened 
fire on our army. 

Those who assert our responsibility for the beginning of the conflict have forgotten 
that before the treaty was ratified in the senate, and while it was being debated in that 
body, and while the Bacon resolution was under discussion, on Feb. 4, 1899, the insur- 
gents attacked the American army, after being previously advised that the American 
forces were under orders not to fire upon them except in defense. The papers found in the 
recently captured archives of the insurgents demonstrate that this attack had been care- 
fully planned for weeks before it occurred. 


Their unprovoked assault upon our soldiers at a time when the senate was deliberating 
upon the treaty shows that no action on our part except surrender and abandonment would 
have prevented the fighting, and leaves no doubt in any fair mind of where the responsi- 
bility rests for the shedding of American blood. 

With all the exaggerated phrasemaking of this electoral contest, we are in danger of 
being diverted from the real contention. We are in agreement with all of those who sup- 
ported the war with Spain, and also with those who counseled the ratification of the 
treaty of peace. Upon these two great essential steps there can be no issue, and out of 
these came all of our responsibilities. If others would shirk the obligations imposed by the 
war and the treaty, we must decline to act further with them, and here the issue was 

It is our purpose to establish in the Philippines a government suitable to the wants and condi= 
lions of the inhabitants, and to prepare them for self-government, and to give them self=govern= 
ment when they are ready for it, and as rapidly as they are ready for it. That I am aiming to 
do under my constitutional authority, and will continue to do until coDgress shall deter- 
mine the political status of the inhabitants of the archipelago. 


Are our opponents against the treaty? If so, they must be reminded that it could not 
have been ratified in the senate but for their assistance. The senate which ratified the 
treaty and the congress which added its sanction by a large appropriation comprised sen- 
ators and representatives of the people of all parties. 

Would our opponents surrender to the insurgents, abandon our sovereignty or cede it 
to them? If that be not their purpose, then it should be promptly disclaimed, for only 
evil can result from. the hopes raised by our opponents in the minds of the Filipinos, that 
with their success at the polls in November there will be a withdrawal of our army and of 
American sovereignty over the archipelago, the complete independence of the Tagalog peo- 
ple recognized and the powers of government over all the other peoples of the archipelago 
conferred upon the Tagalog leaders. 


The effect of a belief in the minds of the insurgents that this will be done has already 
prolonged the rebellion and increases the necessity for the continuance of a large army. 
It is now delaying full peace in the archipelago and the establishment of civil govern- 
ments, and has influenced many of the insurgents against accepting the liberal terms of 
amnesty offered by General Mac-Arthur under my direction. But for these false hopes a 
considerable reduction could have been had in our military establishment in the Philip- 
pines and the realization of a stable government would be already at hand. 

The American people are asked by our opponents to yield the sovereignty of the United 
States in the Philippines to a small fraction of the population, a single tribe out of eighty 
or more inhabiting the archipelago, a fraction which wantonly attacked the American 
troops in Manila while in rightful possession under the protocol with Spain, awaiting the 
ratification of the treaty of peace by the senate, and which has since been in active, open 
rebellion against the United States. We are asked to transfer our sovereignty to a small 
minority in the islands without consulting the majority and to abandon the largest portion 
of the population, which has been loyal to us, to the cruelties of the guerilla insurgent 


More than this, we are asked to protect this minority in establishing a government* 
and to tnis end repress all opposition of the majority. We are required to set up a stable 
government in the interest of those who have assailed our sovereignty and fired upon our 
soldiers, and then maintain it at any cost or sacrifice against its enemies witnin and 
against those having ambitious designs from without. 

This would require an army and navy far larger than is now maintained in the 
Philippines and still more in excess of what will be necessary with the full recognition of 
our sovereignty. A military support of authority not our own, as thus proposed, is the very 
essence of militarism, which "ur opponents in their platform oppose, but which by their policy 
would of necessity be established in its most offensive form. 


The American people will not make the murderers of our soldiers the agents of the 
republic to convey the blessings of liberty and order to the Philippines. They will not 
make them the builders of the new commonwealth. Such a course would be a betrayal of 
our sacred obligations to the peaceful Filipinos, and would place at the mercy of dangerous 
adventurers the lives and property of the natives and foreigners. It would make possible 
and easy the commission of such atrocities as were secretly planned, to be executed on the 
22d of February, 1899, in the City of Manila, when only the vigilance of our army pre- 
vented the attempt to assassinate our soldiers and all foreigners and pillage and destroy the 
city and its surroundings. 

In short, the proposition of those opposed to us is to continue all the obligations in 
the Philippines which now rest upon the government, only changing the relation from 
principal, which now exists, to that of surety. Our responsibility is to remain, but our 
power is to be diminished. Our obligation is to be no less, but our title is to be sur- 
rendered to another power, which is without experience or training, or the ability to main- 
tain a stable government at home and absolutely helpless to perform its international ob- 
ligations with the rest of the world. 


To this we are opposed. We should not yield our title while our obligations last. In 
the language of our platform, •'Our authority should not be less than our responsibility," 
and our present responsibility is to establish our authority in every part of the islands. 

No government can so certainly preserve the peace, restore public order, establish law, 
.justice and stable conditions as ours. Neither congress nor the executive can establish 
a stable government in these islands except under our right of sovereignty, our authority 
and our flag. And this we are doing. 

We could not do it as a protectorate power so completely or so successfully as we are 
doing it now. As the sovereign power we can initiate action and shape means to ends, and 
guide the Filipinos to self-development and self-government. 

As a protectorate power we could not initiate action, but would be compelled to fol- 
low and uphold a people with no capacity yet to go alone. In the one case we can pro- 
tect both ourselves and the Filipinos from being involved in dangerous complications ; in 
the other we could not protect even the Filipinos until after their trouble had come. 


Besides, if we cannot establish any government of our own without the consent of 
•the governed, as our opponents contend, then we could not establish a stable government 
for them or make ours a protectorate without the like consent, and neither the majority 
of the people nor a minority of the people have invited us to assume it. We could not 
maintain a protectorate even with the consent of the governed without giving provocation 
for conflicts and possibly costly wars. 

Our rights in the Philippines are now free from outside interference and will continue 
so in our present relation. They would not be thus free in any other relation. We will 
not give up our own to guarantee another sovereignty. 

Our title is good. Our peace commissioners believed they were receiving a good title 
when they concluded the treaty. The executive believed it was a good title when he sub- 
mitted it to the senate of the United States for its ratification. The senate believed it 
was a good, title when they gave it their constitutional assent, and the congress seems not 
to have doubted its completeness when they appropriated $20,000,000 provided by the 


If any who favored its ratification believed it gave us a bad title they were not sin- 
cere. Our title is practically identical with that under which we hold our territory ac- 
quired since the beginning of the government, and under which we have exercised full sov- 
ereignty and established government for the inhabitants. 

It is worthy of note that no one outside of the United States disputes the fullness 
and integrity of the cession. What then is the real issue on this subject? Whether it is para= 
mount to any other or not, it is whether we shall be responsible for the government of the Phil= 
ippines, with the sovereignty and authority which enables us to guide them to regulated liberty, 
law, safety and progress, or whether we shall be responsible for the forcible and arbitrary govern- 
ment of a minority, without sovereignty and authority on our part, and with only the embarrass- 
ment of a protectorate which draws us into their troubles without the power of preventing them. 


There were those who two years ago were rushing us on to war with Spain who are 

unwilling now to accept its clear consequences as there are those among us who advocated 

the ratification of the treaty of peace, but now protest against its obligations. Nations 


which go to war must be prepared to accept its resultant obligations, and when thev make 
treaties must keep them. 

Those who profess to distrust the liberal and honorable purposes of the administration 
in its treatment of the Philippines are not justified. Imperialism has no place in its creed 
or conduct. Freedom is the rock upon which the Republican party was builded and now 
rests. Liberty is the great Republican doctrine for which the people went to war and for 
which a million lives were offered and billions of dollars expended to make it a lawful legacy 
of all without the consent of master or slave. 


There is a strain of ill-concealed hypocrisy in the anxiety to extend the constitutional 
guarantees to the people of the Philippines, while their nullification is openly advocated at 
home. Our opponent's may distrust themselves, but they have no right to discredit the 
good faith and patriotism of the majority of the people who are opposed to them. They 
may fear the worst form of imperialism with the helpless Filipinos in their hands, but if 
they do, it is because they have parted with the spirit and faith of the fathers and have 
lost the virility of the founders of the party which they profess to represent. 

The Republican party doesn't have to assert its devotion to the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence. That immortal instrument of the fathers remains unexecuted until the people, 
under the lead of the Republican party in the awful clash of battle, turned its promises into 
fulfillment. It wrote into the Constitution the amendments guaranteeing political equality 
to American citizenship, and it has never broken them or counseled others in breaking 
them. It will not be guided in its conduct by one set of principles at home and another 
set in th& new territory belonging to the United States. 


If our opponents would only practice as well as preach the doctrines of Abraham 
Lincoln there would be no fear for the safety of our institutions or their rightful iunuence 
in any territory over which our flag floats. 

Empire has been expelled from Porto Rico and the Philippines by American freemen. 
The flag of the republic now floats over these islands as an emblem of rightful sovereignty. 
Will the republic stay and dispense to their inhabitants the blessings of liberty, education 
and free institutions, or steal away, leaving them to anarchy or imperialism ? 

The American question is between duty and desertion. The American verdict will be for duty 
and against desertion, for the Republic against both anarchy and imperialism. 

The country has been fully advised of the purposes of the United States in China, and 
they will be faithfully adhered to as already defined. 


The nation is filled with gratitude that the little band, among them many of our own 
blood, who for two months have been subjected to privation and peril by the attacks of 
pitiless hordes at the Chinese capital, exhibiting supreme courage in the face of despair, 
have been enabled by God's favor to greet their rescuers and find shelter under their own 

The people not alone of this land, but of all lands, have watched and prayed through 
the terrible stress and protracted agony of the helpless sufferers in Pekin ; and while at 
times the dark tidings seemed to make all hope vain, the rescuers never faltered in the 
heroic fulfillment of their noble task. We are grateful to our own soldiers and sailors and 
marines, and to all the brave men who, though assembled under many standards, repre- 
senting peoples and races strangers in country and speech, were yet united in the sacred 
mission of carrying succor to the besieged, with a success that is now the cause of a world's 


Not only have we reason for thanksgiving for 'our material blessings, but we should re- 
joice in the complete unification of the people of all sections of our country that has so 
happily developed in the last few years and made for us a more perfect union. The ob- 
literation of old differences, the common devotion to the flag and the common sacrifices for 
its honor, so conspicuously shown by the men of the North and South in the Spanish war, 
have so strengthened the ties of friendship and mutual respect that nothing can ever again 
divide us. 

The nation faces the new century gratefully and hopefully, with increasing love of 
country, with firm faith in its free institutions, and with high resolve that they •"shall not 
perish from the earth." Very respectfully yours, 


President McKinley's 

Speech of Acceptance 

JULY 12, I9OO 

Upon the occasion of the notification of his re-nomination for the 
Presidency by the 

Republican National Convention 
at Philadelphia, Pa. 

Senator Lodge, and Gentlemen of the Noti- 
fication Committee: 

The message which you bring to me is one of sig- 
nal honor. It is also a summons to duty. A single 
nomination for the office of President by a great 
party which in thirty-two years out of forty has 
been triumphant at national elections, is a distinction 
which I gratefully cherish. To receive a unanimous 
renomination by the same party is an expression 
of regard and a pledge of continued confidence for 
which it is difficult to make adequate acknowledg- 

If anything exceeds the honor of the office of 
President of the United States it is the responsibility 
which attaches to it. Having been invested with 
both, I do not under- appraise either. 

Anyone who has borne the anxieties and burdens 
of the Presidential office, especially in time of national 
trial, cannot contemplate assuming it a second time 
without profoundly realizing the severe exactions 
and the solemn obligations which it imposes, and 
this feeling is accentuated by the momentous prob- 
lems which now press for settlement. If my country- 
men shall confirm the action of the Convention at 
our national election in November, I shall, craving 
Divine guidance, undertake the exalted trust, to 
administer it for the interest and honor of the 
country, and the well-being of the new peoples who 
have become the objects of our care. (Great ap- 
plause. ) The declaration of principles adopted by 
the Convention has my hearty approval. At some 
future date I will consider its subjects in detail and 
will by letter communicate to your chairman a more 
formal acceptance of the nomination. 

Republican Party's Promises. 

On a like occasion four years ago, I said: 

"The party that supplied by legislation the vast revenues for 
the conduct of our greatest war; that promptly restored the 
credit of the country at its close; that from its abundant revenues 
paid off a large share of the debt incurred by this war, and that 
resumed specie payments and placed our paper currency upon a 
sound and enduring basis, can be safely trusted to preserve both 
our credit and currency, with honor, stability and inviolability. 
The American people hold the financial honor of our Government 
as sacred as our flag, and can be relied upon to guard it with the 
same sleepless vigilance. They hold its preservation above party 
fealty, and have often demonstrated that party ties avail nothing 
when the spotless credit of our country is threatened. 

"* * * The dollar paid to the farmer, the wage-earner and 
the pensioner must continue forever equal in purchasing and 
debt-paying power to the dollar paid to any government creditor. 

"* * * Q ur industrial supremacy, our productive capacity, 
our business and commercial prosperity, our labor and its rewards, 
our national credit and currency, our proud financial honor and 
our splendid free citizenship, the birthright of every American, 
are all involved in the pending campaign, and thus every home 
in the land is directly and intimately connected with their proper 


The Home Market. 

tut * * Q ur domestic trade must be won back and our idle 
working people employed in gainful occupations at American 
wages. Our home market must be restored to its proud rank of 
first in the world, and our foreign trade so precipitately cut off 
by adverse national legislation, re-opened on fair and equitable 
terms for our surplus agricultural and manufacturing products. 

"* * * Public confidence must be resumed, and the skill, 
energy and the capital of our country find ample employment at 
home. * * * The Government of the United States must 
raise money enough to meet both its current expenses and in- 
creasing needs. Its revenues should be so raised as to protect 
the material interests of our people, with the lightest possible 
drain upon their resources, and maintain that high standard of 
civilization which has distinguished our country for more than a 
century of its existence. 

"* * * The national credit, which has thus far fortunately 
resisted every assault upon it, must and will be upheld and 
strengthened. If sufficent revenues are provided for the support 
of the Government there will be no necessity for borrowing 
money and increasing the public debt." 

Sound Money Established. 

Three and one-half years of legislation and admin- 
istration have been concluded since these words were 
spoken. Have those to whom was confided the di- 
rection of the Government kept their pledges? The 
record is made up. The people are not unfamiliar 
with what has been accomplished. The gold stand- 
ard has been re- affirmed and strengthened. ( Great 
applause.) The endless chain has been broken and 
the drain upon our gold reserve no longer frets us. 
(Applause.) The credit of the country has been ad- 
vanced to the highest place among all nations . (Great 
applause.) We are refunding our bonded debt bear- 
ing three and four and five per cent interest at two 
per cent, a lower rate than that of any other country, 
and already more than three hundred millions have 
been so funded with a gain to the Government of 
many millions of dollars. (Continued applause.) 
Instead of free silver at 16 to 1 (laughter), for which 

our opponents contended four years ago, legislation 
has been enacted which, while utilizing all forms of 
our money, secures one fixed value for every dollar 
and that the best known to the civilized world. 
(Great and long-continued applause.) 

- Protection to Labor and Industry. 

A tariff which protects American labor and indus- 
try and provides ample revenues has been written in 
public law. (Applause.) We have lower interest 
and higher wages; more money and fewer mort- 
gages. (Applause. ) The world's markets have been 
opened to American products, which go now where 
they have never gone before. (Great applause.) 
We have passed from a bond issuing to a bond pay- 
ing nation (Applause) ; from a nation of borrowers 
to a nation of lenders (Applause); from a deficiency 
in revenue to a surplus; from fear to confidence; 
from enforced idleness to profitable employment. 
(Great applause. ) The public faith has been upheld; 
public order has been maintained. We have pros- 
perity at home and prestige abroad. ( Enthusiastic 
and long-continued applause. ) 

Democrats Denounce the Gold Standard. 

Unfortunately the threat of 1896 has just been re- 
newed by the allied parties without abatement or 
modification. The gold bill has been denounced and 
its repeal demanded. The menace of 16 to 1, there- 
fore, still hangs over us with all its dire conse- 
quences to credit and confidence, to business and 
industry. The enemies of sound currency are rally- 
ing their scattered forces. The people must once 
more unite and overcome the advocates of repudia- 
tion and must not relax their energy until the battle 
for public honor and honest money shall again 
triumph. (Great applause.) A Congress which will 


sustain, and if need be strengthen, the present law, 
can prevent a financial catastrophe, which every 
lover of the Republic is interested to avert. 

They Condemn Protection. 

Not satisfied with assaulting the currency and 
credit of the Government, our political adversaries 
condemn the tariff law enacted at the extra session 
of Congress in 1897, known as the Dingley Act, 
passed in obedience to the will of the people ex- 
pressed at the election in the preceding November, 
a law which at once stimulated our industries, 
opened the idle factories and mines and gave to the 
laborer and to the farmer fair returns for their toil 
and investment. Shall we go back to a tariff 
which brings deficiency in our revenues and destruc- 
tion to our industrial enterprises? (Cries of "No.") 

Faithful to its pledges in these internal affairs, 
how has the Government discharged its international 

Republican Peace Policy. 

Our platform of 1896 declared, "The Hawaiian 
Islands should be controlled by the United States 
and no foreign power should be permitted to inter- 
fere with them." (Applause.) This purpose has 
been fully accomplished by annexation, and dele- 
gates from these beautiful islands participated in the 
convention for which you speak to-day. (Great ap- 
plause.) In the great conference of nations at The 
Hague we reaffirmed before the world the Monroe 
doctrine and our adherence to it and our determina- 
tion not to participate in the complications of Europe. 
We have happily ended the European alliance in 
Samoa, securing to ourselves one of the most valu- 
able harbors in the Pacific ocean; while the open 
door in China gives to us fair and equal competition 
in the vast trade of the Orient. (Great applause.) 


Eesults of the War with Spain. 

Some things have happened which were not 
promised, nor even foreseen, and our purposes in re- 
lation to them must not be left in doubt. A just war 
has been waged for humanity and with it have come 
new problems and responsibilities. Spain has been 
ejected from the Western Hemisphere and our flag 
floats over her former territory. (Great applause.) 
Cuba nas been liberated and our guaranties to her 
people will be sacredly executed. (Applause.) A 
beneficent government has been provided for Porto 
Rico. (Great applause. ) The Philippines are ours 
and American authority must be supreme through- 
out the archipelago. (Long-continued applause.) 
There will be amnesty broad and liberal, but no abate- 
ment of our rights, no abandonment of our duty. (Ap- 

No Scuttle Policy. 

There must be no scuttle policy. (Tremend- 
ous applause, long continued.) We will fulfill in 
the Philippines the obligations imposed by the 
triumphs, of our arms and by the treaty of peace, by 
international law, by the nation's sense of honor, 
and more than all by the rights, interests and condi- 
tions of the Philippine peoples themselves. (Great 
applause.) No outside interference blocks the way 
to peace and a stable government. The obstruction- 
ists are here, not elsewhere. (Laughter and great 
applause. ) They may postpone but they cannot de- 
feat the realization of the high purpose of this na- 
tion to restore order in the islands and establish a 
just and generous government, in which the inhabit- 
ants shall have the largest participation for which 
they are capable. (Great applause.) The organ- 
ized forces. which have been misled into rebellion 
have been dispersed by our faithful soldiers and 
sailors, and the people of the islands, delivered from 

anarchy, pillage and oppression, recognize Ameri- 
can sovereignty as the symbol and pledge of peace, 
justice, law, religious freedom, education, the secur- 
ity of life and property, and the welfare and pros- 
perity of their several communities. (Great ap- 
plause. ) 

Republican Principles Reasserted. 

We reassert the early principle of the Republican 
party, sustained by unbroken judicial precedents, 
that the representatives of the people, in Congress 
assembled, have full legislative power over territory 
belonging to the United States (tremendous ap- 
plause), subject to the fundamental safeguards of 
liberty, justice and personal rights, and are vested 
with ample authority to act ' 'for the highest inter- 
ests of our nation and the people entrusted to its 
care." (Long-continued applause.) This doctrine, 
first proclaimed in the cause of freedom, will never 
be used as a weapon for oppression. (Tremendous 
applause. ) 

The Crisis in China. 

I am glad to be assured by you that what we have 
done in the Far East has the approval of the coun- 
try. The sudden and terrible crisis in China calls 
for the gravest consideration, and you will not ex- 
pect from me now any further expression than to 
say that my best efforts shall be given to the imme- 
diate purpose of protecting the lives of our citizens 
who are in peril, with the ultimate object of the 
peace and welfare of China, the safeguarding of all 
our treaty rights, and the maintenance of those prin- 
ciples of impartial intercourse to which the civilized 
world is pledged, (Enthusiastic applause.) 


Strong National Sentiment. 

I cannot conclude without congratulating my coun- 
trymen upon the strong national sentiment which 
finds expression in every part of our common coun- 
try, and the increased respect with which the Amer- 
ican name is greeted throughout the world. (Great 

The Party of Liberty. 

We have been moving in untried paths, but our 
steps have been guided by honor and duty. There 
will be no turning aside, no wavering, no retreat. 
(Applause.) No blow has been struck except for 
liberty and humanity, and none will be. (Great ap- 
plause. ) We will perform without fear every nation- 
al and international obligation. (Great applause.) 
The Republican party was dedicated to freedom 
forty-four years ago. It has been the party of lib- 
erty and emancipation from that hour; not of pro- 
fession but of performance. (Great applause.) It 
broke the shackles of 4, 000, 000 slaves and made them 
free, and to the party of Lincoln has come another 
supreme opportunity which it has bravely met in 
the liberation of 10, 000, 000 of the human family from 
the yoke of imperialism. (Tremendous applause and 
cheers, which broke out again and again. ) In its 
solution of great problems, in its performance of 
high duties, it has had the support of members of all 
parties in the past, and confidently invokes their 
co-operation in the future. 

Permit me to express, Mr. Chairman, my most sin- 
cere appreciation of the complimentary terms in 
which you convey the official notice of my nomination, 
and my thanks to the members of the Committee and 
to the great constituency which they represent, for 
this additional evidence of their favor and support. 
(Great and long-continued applause.) 

President McKinley's Share 
in the War With Spain. 

He Exhausted Every Avenue of Diplomacy to Avoid 

the Conflict, But After It Began He Pushed It 

With Vigor In Order to Speedily Bring 

About Peace with Success. 

[From" The American-Spanish War," published by Chas. C. Haskell & Son, Norwich, Conn.] 

"We want no wars of conquest. We must avoid the temptation 
of territorial aggression. War should never he entered upon until 
every agency of peace has failed." 

These were the ringing words of William McKinley, when he took 

the oath of office as 
President of the United 
States, on the 4th of 
March, 1897, with the 
shadow of an impend- 
ing conflict with Spain 
resting darkly over 
him. From the views 
thus expressed he never 
deviated during all the 
trying period that aft- 
erwards intervened. 
When every agency of 
peace had failed, and 
war became inevitable, 
he accepted all of its 
grave responsibilities, 
just as, after the pro- 
tocol of peace had been 
signed, he declared that 
where the flag had once 
been raised it should 
not be hauled down 
with his consent, and 
that, as far as in him 
lay, he would carry out 
to their logical and le- 
gitimate conclusions the results achieved by the war. 

More fully than any one else Mr. McKinley appreciated, when he 
entered upon the duties of Chief Executive, the dread responsibilities 

which a declaration of war would impose. He knew that though war 
might be demanded or proclaimed by the people of any nation — Im- 
perial, Monarchical or Republican — the responsibilities for its conduct 
and for its results must fall upon the Executive. He comprehended the 
peculiar difficulties which surrounded our relations with Spain, the 
greatest of these being that which had the least popular consideration — 
the possibility that a declaration of war with Spain would bring about 
the hostile intervention of other European Powers, intimately connect- 
ed with that country by ties of common interest and family relation- 
ship. Traditions and international understandings, the Monroe Doc- 
trine, the inviolability of which has so recently been asserted by this 
country, and questions of politics and religion all aided to complicate 
the situation. While it is true that each of the great political parties 
in the campaign which preceded the election of President McKinley had 
condemned in strong terms the existing condition of affairs in Cuba, 
and declared a readiness to exhaust every effort to secure to the people 
of that island the blessings of freedom and good government, no pledge 
was given by either party which could, even by inference, be held to 
bind the Government of the United States to take up arms to accom- 
plish the end which was rhetorically advocated. 

When Mr. McKinley left his home in Canton, Ohio, to assume the 
duties of the Presidency, he had in mind a plan, which he had carefully 
thought out, for the emancipation of Cuba and the establishment of an 
independent form of government in that island. His purpose was to 
bring about this result by a series of swift and positive diplomatic 
movements, which included an appeal to motives of humanity and 
justice, and an array of the more powerful, if less disinterested, mo- 
tives of self interest. There can be little doubt that one of his leading 
ideas for the pacification of Cuba was the surrender of Spanish sover- 
eignty to be brought about by diplomatic negotiations or by friendly 
purchase, the United States to be either the direct purchaser or the 
guarantor in behalf of an independent Cuban Republic. He immediate- 
ly proceeded to put in operation all the agencies of diplomacy to secure 
an amelioration of the condition of the people of Cuba. Contempor- 
aneously with these efforts he called Congress in extra session, to enact 
laws which should place the industrial, commercial and agricultural 
interests of our own country upon a more satisfactory basis. He asked 
Congress, before transacting any other business, first to provide suffi- 
cient revenue to administer the Government faithfully, without the 
contraction of further debt or the continued disturbance of our finances. 
In the light of events that followed, it may well be claimed that Divine 
Providence shaped the ends to which the President directed the nation. 
Without the revival of prosperity, which almost immediately followed 
the legislation recommended— the enactment of which consumed time 
and tended to create a feeling of unrest on the part of those who desired 
speedy action in Cuba,— there could not have been the national co- 
hesion which enabled us to secure the results afterwards achieved. 

During this extra session, called only to consider economic ques- 

tions, events in Cuba so progressed as to excite the public mind almost 
beyond the limits of repression. General Weyler's policy of concen- 
tration, inaugurated February 16, 1896, removed from the provinces 
controlled by the Spanish army the rural population, including women, 
children and helpless old people. The massing of these in the neigh- 
borhood of the cities, and the leaving of them there to die of starva- 
tion, had reached a culmination of horror which shocked the civilized 
world. The President issued an appeal to the people of the United 
States to relieve the necessities of these innocent sufferers; Congress 
made an appropriation for the purpose; and the noble organization 
of the Red Cross, and, later on, many newspaper and private agencies 
of benevolence were drawn to their assistance. 

Agitation for the recognition of Cuban Independence, or for forci- 
ble intervention by the United States, was rampant all over the coun- 
try, sustained by the pulpit, the press and the lecture forum. Resolu- 
tions by the hundred were adopted at public gatherings and forwarded 
to the President, almost as urgent in tone as those addressed to Presi- 
dent Lincoln prior to the Proclamation of Emancipation. So many 
Americans, impelled by righteous indignation at the stories of Cuban 
wrongs, had entered the service of the Cuban army of freedom that 
there was scarcely a Congressional District which did not number one 
or more of these recruits, whose relatives were importunate in beseech- 
ing their Representatives in Congress to take speedy measures to put 
an end to the struggle. 

Expeditions, unauthorized by international law, but quite general- 
ly sanctioned by public sentiment, fitted out in our ports to carry 
arms, ammunition and men to aid the cause of Cuba Libre, became so 
alarmingly frequent and formidable that the President ordered a spe- 
cial patrol by revenue cutters and naval vessels of our coast adjacent 
to Cuba, and directed the appointment of special officers of the Depart- 
ment of Justice to prosecute the offenders against our neutrality laws. 
Among those intercepted and prosecuted as the result of these meas- 
ures was General Calixto Garcia, the Cuban patriot, whose death in 
December, 1898, while on a mission of peace and conciliation to the 
City of Washington, was generally deplored. 

To the different delegations from Congress who waited upon him 
to urge immediate action, President McKinley, with the frankness 
which has always characterized his dealings with the legislative branch 
of the Government, explained his plans and his aspirations for a peace- 
ful settlement, and asked them to give him further time. Congress 
trusted the President, and respected his wishes by adjourning the extra 
session without taking decisive action on the Cuban question. 

Diplomatic efforts to effect an adjustment were continued with in- 
creased vigor. The President, it is understood, went just as far in his 
demands as he could within the constitutional limits of his power, 
stopping short only of such action as might be construed into a prac- 
tical declaration of war. Spain replied, in her customary manner, by 
promises and prevarication. The pressure of public sentiment increased 

in volume. Local militia organizations, covertly or openly abetted by 
governors of States, and many individual citizens of military training, 
undertook the organization of volunteer forces to proceed to Cuba to 
aid in the liberation of its people. Political parties and geographical 
lines were ignored. The men who carried on the agitation were those 
who had fought on each side of the most desperate civil war of modern 

To withstand this pressure until the time was ripe; to continue 
to enforce our neutrality laws in the face of a hostile public sentiment; 
and scrupulously to observe all our international obligations towards 
Spain, imposed upon the President duties which called for the exercise 
of the highest executive ability and tact. 

When the 356 members of the House of Representatives and the 
ninety Senators, fresh from intercourse with their people, met in regu- 
lar session of Congress on the 6th of December, 1897, it was as the 
commingling of many streams forming one mighty flood of public 
sentiment in favor of the immediate evacuation of Cuba by Spain, 
or an open declaration of war by the United States as the alternative. 
The President addressed to Congress a thoughtful, firm, but temperate 
message. Summarizing the historical facts, he reminded Congress that 
our relations towards Spain and Cuba had been almost a continuous 
question since the first enfranchisement of the colonial possessions 
of Spain in the Western Hemisphere in 1823, and that the possibility 
•that some other European Power might take advantage of the weak- 
ness of Spain's hold upon Cuba to establish a foothold on that island 
to the detriment of the United States, had called forth repeated dec- 
larations that this country would permit no disturbance of Cuba's con- 
nection with Spain, unless in the direction of independence, or the ac- 
quisition of the island by the United States through purchase. 

While maintaining in his communications to Congress the reticence 
which must accompany uncompleted negotiations, and withholding any 
statement of precise propositions, so as to avoid embarrassment to the 
Government of Spain, he stated that our new Minister to that country 
(General Stewart L. Woodford) had been instructed to inquire seriously 
whether the time was not ripe for Spain, of her own volition, moved 
by her own interests, to make proposals of settlement honorable to 
herself and just to her Cuban colony; and also instructed to intimate, 
in plainest terms, that the United States, as a neighboring country, 
with large interests, both commercial and humane, in Cuba, could not 
be required to wait much longer for the restoration of peace and order 
in that island. The President still counselled a last appeal to peaceful 
negotiation. Forcible annexation of Cuba by the United States, he 
said, would be an act of criminal aggression. Recognition of the bel- 
ligerency or of the independence of the Cuban Republic he also put 
aside, for the reason that the essential qualifications of sovereignty 
required by international law had not, in his judgment, been yet at- 
tained. Denouncing General Weyler's concentration order as an act, 
not of civilized warfare, but of extermination, he gave full faith to the 

declarations of the new Spanish Government of Premier Sagasta, which 
had succeeded that of Premier Canovas, under whom this cruel policy 
originated, that it would be reversed, and that a broad and liberal 
scheme of Home Rule or Autonomy would be granted to Cuba. These 
propositions he thought were in the line of a better understanding 
between this Government and that of Spain. He felt that it was hon- 
estly due to Spain that she should be given a reasonable chance to real- 
ize her expectations and to prove the asserted efficacy of the new 
order of things to which she stood irrevocably committed. 

At the same time he added these pregnant words: 

"Sure of the right, keeping free from all offence ourselves, actuated 
only by upright and patriotic considerations, moved neither by pas- 
sion nor selfishness, the Government will continue its watchful care 
over the rights and property of American citizens, and will abate none 
of its efforts to bring about by peaceful agencies a peace which shall 
be honorable and enduring. If it shall hereafter appear to be a duty 
imposed by our obligations to ourselves, to civilization and humanity, 
to intervene with force, it shall be without fault on our part and only 
because the necessity for such action shall be so clear as to command 
the support and approval of the civilized world." 

This declaration was afterward abundantly fulfilled. On the night 
of the 15th of February, eleven weeks after the assembling of Con- 
gress, the United States battleship Maine, while on a friendly visit 
to the harbor of Havana, and lying at a mooring especially assigned 
to her by the Captain of the port, was destroyed by a submarine mine, 
and in this catastrophe two of her officers and 264 of her crew perished. 

The horror and suspicion which this occurrence created in the 
minds of the President and his advisers were increased by the fact 
that Consul-General Fitzhugh Lee at Havana had cabled, suggesting 
delay in sending the Maine to that city, on the ground that the Spanish 
authorities professed to think her presence had some ulterior purpose, 
and would obstruct autonomy and most probably produce a demonstra- 
tion. This telegram was received after the Maine had sailed for Havana. 

Those who saw President McKinley the night this fateful news was 
received say that the anguish depicted on his face was as great as 
that which Abraham Lincoln exhibited when he visited the battlefield 
of Gettysburg. He knew then that all his efforts to avert a war, of 
which no one could foretell the duration or extent, had been unavail- 

This was the crucial moment in the President's life; a turning 
point in the life of the Republic. Then the sturdy characteristics of. 
firmness and readiness of mind derived from his ancestry were dis- 
played. Mr. McKinley, as is well known, is of Scotch-Irish descent. 
The crest of "James McKinlay the Trooper," head of the Scotch clan 
of McKinlay, from whom the McKinleys of Pennsylvania and Ohio de- 
scended, was an olive branch clasped in a mailed hand. The motto 
accompanying this emblem implied Moderation and Patience. Its lit- 
eral reading was, "Not too much." In transition from Scotland to the 
North of Ireland the "a" of the name was changed to "e," and under 

the Scotch-Irish name of "McKinley," the ancestors of the present 
President of the United States came to America, where, in York County, 
Pennsylvania, his great grandfather, David McKinley, a gallant private 
soldier of the War of the Revolution, was born. 

These old heraldic bearings derived new significance in the present 
crisis. The "olive branch" had been extended for eleven months; the 
"mailed hand" was now to come into play. Not for the first time was 
William McKinley, the soldier, called upon to take heroic assumption of 
responsibility, but never before in so vast a theater and with the 
world for a spectator. William McKinley was a gallant soldier in the 
war of 1861-5. He entered that war as a private and emerged as a 
Major. He participated in many battles, and won promotion for dis- 
tinguished services. He knew what war meant, and had shown his 
capacity in positions of great difficulty and responsibility. 

An incident recorded of him in that struggle illustrates the self- 
reliance of the man, and the qualities which were now to be brought 
into operation on a far grander scale. The story, as told by one of his 
biographers, is this: — 

"At the battle of Opequan, McKinley (who, like his ancestor of 
Revolutionary fame, had entered the war as a private, but who was 
now a Captain and Aide on General Crook's staff) was sent with an 
order to General Isaac H. Duval to move his command quickly to a 
position on the right of the Sixth Corps; but Duval, not knowing the 
topography of the country, asked the young aide, 'By what route shall 
I move my command?' Captain McKinley was without definite orders 
or knowledge of the country, but having a general idea of the direc- 
tion of the water courses and location of the troops, replied, 'I would 
move up this creek.' Duval then said, T shall not move without defi- 
nite orders.' McKinley knew that any delay was hazardous, and so, 
acting on his own view of the position of the armies, at once re- 
plied: 'This is a case of great emergency, General, and so I order you, 
by command of General Crook, to move your command on the road up 
this ravine to a position on the right of the army!' The movement 
proved exactly right, and Duval's command was soon in position to do 
effective work. It drove the enemy in confusion from their works 
and contributed to the victory of the day. Still it is not hard to con- 
jecture what would have been the young aide's fate if the order had 
been a mistake." 

The admirable equipoise of Mr. McKinley's character, and his 
readiness to meet emergencies whenever they occurred, and however 
unexpectedly they confronted him, have been manifested on many occa- 
sions since the termination of this great epoch in American history. 
Three years before he was called to enter upon the duties of Chief Ex- 
ecutive of the Nation, when he was filling a similar but less exalted 
position, that of Chief Executive of the great State of Ohio, disturb- 
ances of a most threatening character broke out among the coal miners. 
Governor McKinley assumed personal direction of the State troops sent 
to suppress rioting, and by his firmness and moderation averted what 
threatened to be a sanguinary and widespread disturbance. 

His twelve years' service in Congress, his experience in other walks 
of life, in all of which he acquitted himself in the most trying circum- 


stances with credit and distinction, marked him as the man destined 
for the hour when the storm of foreign war broke over the United 

On the day after the news of the destruction of the battleship 
Maine, the President was visited by nearly every member of Congress, 
urging immediate warlike action. He counselled prudence and delay; 
he asked them all to suspend judgment before determining the re- 
sponsibility for the tragic occurrence. In point of fact, he sustained 
the wise cable message sent by Captain Sigsbee of the Maine in an- 
nouncing the disaster. 

President McKinley knew— none better— that the country was not 
prepared for war. We had an army of but 27,500 men, while Spain had 
sent 135,000 troops to Cuba alone. The Spanish Navy, on paper at 
least, was equal, if not superior, to that of the United States. Very 
little had been done since the war of 1861-5 in the way of fortifying 
our sea coast or providing siege guns or fixed ammunition. It is related 
that at this juncture a distinguished army officer reported to the Presi- 
dent, "If we should go to war with Spain to-morrow, we have not 
enough small ammunition for a continuous battle of two hours." 

Nevertheless a caucus of the House of Representatives, confined to 
no one political party, decided almost unanimously on an immediate 
declaration of war; and a sufficient number of members of Congress 
were present at this conference to indicate that the strength of the 
war party in both Houses was sufficient to override even a Presidential 

The President had asked Congress at the beginning of the session 
to await the result of Spain's new policy of granting autonomy to 
Cuba and of reversing General Weyler's order of concentration. The 
hopes of peace which these propositions held out failed him at this 
critical juncture. Our consuls in Cuba reported the continuance of such 
sickening scenes of starvation, cruelty and death in the camps of the 
reconcentrados that the correspondence, though called for by Congress, 
was for the time prudently withheld by the President from publication, 
lest in the excited state of the public mind it might prove a spark in 
the powder magazine, already dangerously near explosion. These 
consuls also reported that autonomy was an absolute failure; that coer- 
cion and bribery had been tried in vain to induce Cubans of character 
to give countenance to the movement. Sr. Manuel Rafael Angulo, sent 
to Washington as a delegate from the so-called Colonial or Autonomist 
Government of Cuba, about this time cabled Governor-General Blanco 
at Havana, through the Spanish Minister in Washington, that it was 
necessary, in order to offset what he termed "the perfidious machina- 
tions of Lee and his copartners," to have a cable message sent him 
giving the names of representative native-born Cubans of standing 
who adhered to the Autonomist Government. When the reply was re- 
ceived on April 15th, 1898, he wrote despairingly to Sr. Jose Maria 
Galvez, President of the Council of the so-called Colonial Government 
at Havana, that the names which had been forwarded to him were all 

"Peninsulares" (that is, Spaniards), not Cubans; that he had seen the 
President of the "Chamber of Congress" by appointment, and had also 
had an interview with the Honorable John Addison Porter, Secretary 
to the President, at the White House, who had made it apparent that 
if the Autonomist solution was to be well received in the United 
States it must be shown to be, not a Spanish proposition, but a Cuban; 
also that it must be shown that affairs had changed in Cuba, not in ap- 
pearance only, but substantially. 

Autonomy was thus admitted to be a subterfuge, even by its orig- 
inators, and the promised reforms a failure. 

Amid all these discouragements the President remained undis- 
mayed; his courage never failed him; he abated none of his high pur- 
poses; and Congress showed its unlimited confidence in him by an act 
which excited the wonder and admiration of Europe. On the mere 
suggestion of the Executive, by a unanimous vote of both Houses, on 
the 9th of March, 1898, an appropriation of fifty million dollars was 
made "for the national defense and for each and every purpose con- 
nected therewith, to be expended at the direction of the President." 
It is a matter of history that Congress subsequently supplemented this 
grant by authorization to negotiate a three per cent loan to the extent 
if necessary of $400,000,000, only half of which was called out, and 
which was subscribed by the people in sums ranging from twenty dol- 
lars upwards, no one subscription accepted exceeding five thousand 

Immediate steps were taken by the President so to utilize the fund 
created by the special appropriation of $50,000,000 as to place the 
country on a war footing. Agents were sent abroad to purchase all 
available warships before the outbreak of hostilities brought the neu- 
trality laws into force. On the suggestion of the President, the four 
swift ocean steamers of the International Navigation Company were 
chartered and fitted out as cruisers and scouts, and other vessels were 
bought for colliers and transports. At home every arsenal and navy 
yard, and all private firms engaged in the manufacture of munitions of 
war, were put to work at their full capacity, by night as well as by day. 

On the 11th of April the President addressed a message to Congress, 
setting forth in detail the final efforts he had made through diplomatic 
channels, by means of Minister Woodford at Madrid, to bring about an 
amelioration of the condition of the people of Cuba, and the reply of the 
Spanish Government, which remitted the question of the settlement of 
terms of peace with the Cuban insurgents to the so-called Insular Con- 
gress of the pretended Autonomist Government of Cuba. "With this 
last overture," he said, "in the direction of immediate peace, and its 
disappointing reception by Spain, the Executive is brought to the end of 
his effort." 

The President referred to the destruction of the Maine as a tragic 
horror, increasing the elements of danger and disorder, and asked that 
Congress authorize and empower the President to take measures to 
secure a full and final termination of hostilities between the Govern- 
ment of Spain and the people of Cuba, and to secure in the island the 
establishment of a stable government, capable of maintaining order 
and observing its international obligations, insuring peace and tran- 
quillity and the security of its citizens as well as our own, and to use 
the military and naval forces of the United States as may be necessary 
for these purposes. 

On the same day he sent to Congress the delayed Consular corre- 
spondence relating to the atrocities perpetrated on the reconcentrados 
of Cuba. 

On the 19th of April, after nine days' debate and conference, Con- 
gress passed a joint resolution calling upon Spain to withdraw its land 
and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters, and directing the Presi- 


dent to use the entire land and naval forces of the United States, and 
to call into the actual service of the United States the militia of the 
several States, to such extent as might be necessary to carry this reso- 
lution into effect. This was in effect a formal declaration of war. 

On the morning of the 21st of April, before he could present this 
ultimatum to the Spanish Government, Minister Woodford received his 
passports and immediately afterwards Minister Polo y Barnabe with- 
drew from Washington. On the 22nd of April the blockade of the north 
coast of Cuba was proclaimed by President McKinley, and on the 25th 
of April Congress passed an act declaring the existence of a state of war 
between the United States and Spain. 

It is not the purpose of this chapter to follow in detail the events 
of that brief and glorious struggle, but only to indicate some of the 
prominent incidents of the President's personal participation therein. 
Every movement, great or small, received the benefit of his personal 
consideration, and of the experience he had gained in the War of 1861- 
'65, the animosities arising from which his efforts have done so much to 
obliterate. It was indeed fortunate for the Government and the people 
of the United States that a man occupied the Executive chair who was 
by birth and training so well equipped to perform the duties devolving 
upon him as was William McKinley. In the prime of life, 55 years of 
age, his mental and physical vigor sustained by a life of conspicuous 
rectitude and his administrative powers enforced by years of trying 
experience, he entered the arena with every qualification to command 
the esteem of his countrymen and to insure also the respect of the gov- 
ernments of other Nations. In the selection of the general officers to 
command the volunteer forces he ignored sectional lines, calling to his 
aid distinguished army officers who had worn the gray to co-operate 
with those who had worn the blue, thus presenting to the world the im- 
posing spectacle of a united nation of eighty millions of people — a 

"Tower of strength, 

"Which stood four-square to all the winds that blew." 

When 200,000 volunteers responded promptly to the President's call, 
he said: "I feel that the American people have committed these boys 
to my hands," and he watched over the minutest details of their equip- 
ment, encampment, sustenance, hospital accommodation and trans- 
portation, not contenting himself with the reports of his capable chiefs 
of department, but going directly to the Bureau officials who had the 
actual work in charge. The President spent hours every day following 
the movements of the campaign with pin points on the maps in the war 
room of the White House, studying out every possible condition and 
contingency. He knew neither rest nor recreation from the hour when 
hostilities commenced until the protocol of peace was signed. Like Lin- 
coln, he never slept when there was duty to perform. 

The Cabinet met frequently, sometimes twice a day. It was by the 
President's personal direction that Secretary Long issued the famous 
order to Admiral Dewey to proceed to the Bay of Manila, capture or 
destroy the Spanish fleet, and take possession of the harbor and city. 
It is said that when the President announced to the Cabinet his deter- 
mination to strike this decisive blow at the power of Spain in the East, 
the audacity and gravity of the proposition produced a silence which 
could be felt, and which was not broken for several minutes. The 
President carried his point, and the result is known of all men. 

When the land attack on Santiago was determined upon, the Presi- 
dent asked how many siege guns were ready to be taken to Santiago, 
and the reply was that fifteen or twenty were at command. The Presi- 
dent contended that not less than eighty were necessary, and it was not 
his fault that eighty were not sent. Thus he looked after the details 
of preparations for battle. 

Direct telegraphic communication was established between Playa 
del Este, the Cuban cable terminus on the Santiago coast, and the Ex- 
ecutive Offices at the White House in Washington, and was maintained 
during and after the battles of San Juan and El Caney. General Shat- 
ter's camp was near Sevilla. within easy communicating distance of 
Playa del Este. The interchange of cable messages was rapid, and on 
the part of our Commanding General indicated a desire to retreat or to 
ask for a parley with the Spanish Commander. 

On the 3rd of July, General Shatter cabled that he had the city of 
Santiago well invested on the north and east, but, as he added 
significantly — "with a very thin line." He said that as he approached 
the city he found the defences so strong that it would be impossible to 
carry it by storm with his present forces, adding: "I am now seriously 
considering withdrawing about five miles and taking up a new position 
on the high ground between the San Juan River and Siboney, with our 
left at Santiago, so as to get our supplies to a large extent by means 
of the railroad, which we can use, having engines and cars at Siboney. 
Our losses up to date will aggregate a thousand." Then he spoke of 
his own health and that of his generals, and of his efforts to get Ad- 
miral Sampson to force the entrance of the harbor. Of himself he said: 
"I have been unable to be out during the heat of the day for four days, 
but am retaining the command. General Wheeler is seriously ill, and 
will probably have to go to the rear to-day. General Young also very 
ill, confined to his bed; General Hawkins slightly wounded in foot dur- 
ing sortie enemy made last night." 

Other dispatches followed, and one in particular was spoken of in 
the press dispatches some days after its receipt, as follows: 

"There was some talk in the Cabinet to-day about the telegram 
General Shatter sent on Sunday morning, to the effect that he would 
have to have reinforcements before he could proceed. Just what was 
said is not known. It is learned that the telegram contained sugges- 
tions which were stricken out. It is claimed that if these statements 
had been made public the country would have been greatly worried on 

The public did not then know, nor till some time afterwards, how 
firm was the grasp which the President kept on the progress of events. 
On the 15th of July, 1898, he directed this dispatch to be sent: 

"Washington, July 15, 1898, 9:20 p. m. 
"Major-General Shafter, Playa del Este: 

"The President and Secretary of War are becoming impatient with 
parley. Any arrangement that allows the enemy to take their arms 
had as well be abandoned once for all, as it will not be approved. The 
way to surrender is to surrender, and this should be fully impressed 
on General Toral." 

Once more the result justified the President's judgment. Santiago 
was surrendered, and with it a force nearly double that of the investing 

In every movement of the war, as well as in the peace negotiations 
that followed, the President's firm hand was felt, and the country has 
surely just cause to be proud of the humane and Christian policy by 
which he sought to avoid a war; the prudent and patriotic foresight 
with which, when war became inevitable, he postponed its outbreak 
until the country was ready for it; and the marvelous skill, courage and 
judgment with which he so directed affairs, aided by the invincible 
valor of our sailors and soldiers, as to bring about an early, honorable 
and glorious peace. 


William McKinley 

A Typical American of Wide Experience 
Who Has Become a 
Masterful President 

[From the Brooklyn Daily Eagle, August 26, 1900.] 

The Presidency of the United States derives its influence from the 
suffrages of 80,000,000 of free people. Its occupants are elected for a 
short term, and in cases where important national policies are under- 
taken by an administration, the time is too limited for the full test of 
their wisdom and the complete recognition of their value desired by 
those who have at heart the interests of the country. But, in even so 
short a time as four years, there may be crowded the solution of prob- 
lems so momentous as not only to call for the critical judgment and dis- 
passionate estimate of our citizens, but to engage the attention of the 
civilized world. 

The administration of William McKinley has been one of the most 
important in the life of the republic. 

Taking office in a time of general industrial depression, with the 
vexed questions of finance and tariff still under discussion and pressing 
for settlement, his assumption of his new duties was cause for anxiety 
on the part of those who had opposed the doctrines of the Republican 
party and for the most sincere congratulations and enthusiastic hopeful- 
ness from his political associates and from those who, casting aside 
party ties, had supported the candidate standing for sound money and a 
protective tariff. 

Men often become great by embracing an opportunity presented for 
accomplishing beneficent results for a people. Opportunity and re- 
sponsibility will draw out the best that is in a man if his character and 
preparation are of the right kind. Our great men have come from the 
people, and have been equal to great emergencies. 

American history is full of such examples. The highest places in 
the republic have been sought and won by those whose beginnings were 
the lowliest, and in times of national emergency the people have, with 
unerring judgment, made wise selections of their public servants. 

Following the Civil War came the days of reconstruction. Trouble- 
some questions which are yet with us were then the cause of bitterness 
and discontent, but for several administrations the problems confront- 
ing the Government of the United States were largely those of domestic 
affairs and did not call for wide acquaintance with international condi- 
tions, nor did they enlarge the field of statesmanship, as in the time of 
President Cleveland and his successor. 

International questions, like the adjustment of Samoan affairs, and 


now and then insistence upon redress for an American citizen mal- 
treated or injured in his property rights, called for little more than the 
ordinary routine of international intercourse. 

During the latter part of Mr.Cleveland's second administration, how- 
ever, the threatening conditions in the Island of Cuba gave intimation 
that the country would have to meet, at no distant date, questions de- 
signed to bring it into the arena of world politics, and requiring the 
attention of its ablest statesmen. The United States has been, since 
its foundation, a liberty-loving nation. It was knit together more 
firmly as- such by the great fraternal struggle of the '60s, and when 
the terrible four years' experience had passed, the spirit of liberty 
emerged brighter and steadier, to become more and more the spirit of 
the nation. 

It was not of our seeking that through abhorrence of conditions in 
Cuba we entered upon the conflict with Spain. During the latter part 
of Mr. Cleveland's administration he properly exerted every honorable 
resource to prevent war. His able Secretary of State seconded him in 
this patriotic American policy. But the events, crowding one another 
rapidly, bade fair, time and time again, to sweep aside the conservatism 
with which the question was handled. 

This condition of great unrest and danger confronted William Mc- 
Kinley when he assumed the Presidency on March 4, 1897. 

From the day he entered the White House he saw that it would 
take all the resources of the government to prevent war with Spain, 
and while he employed every resort of diplomacy and was frequently 
encouraged to hope that a peaceful solution of the problem would be 
found, the increasing difficulties experienced by Spain in Cuba brought 
the crisis constantly nearer. 

Public clamor breaks out unthinkingly at such times. It is not that 
the people are at heart unreasonable, for they are not. But they are 
generous in their sympathies, they are touched to the quick by needless 
suffering, by cruel oppression, by pillage, outrage and murder, and with 
the contrast between their own happy conditions and the unfortunate 
plight of their near neighbors constantly before them, it was not 
strange that the cry grew louder that a stop must be put to the warfare 
in Cuba and that the simple justice which the people of that island 
sought from their mother country must be speedily accorded to them, 
or that to them must be given in some form the freedom for which in 
the past they had so frequently fought and bled. A weak man in such 
a crisis would have been bewildered. 

Domestic matters of grave moment pressed upon every hand. There 
were unsettled the questions of tariff and finance, and scores of other 
subjects of internal policy required immediate attention, not only in 
justice to those whose suffrages had placed the administration in power, 
but for its own good name, that at the end of its term of office it might 
give a worthy account of its stewardship. A weak man would have ac- 
cepted peace at any price, or prompt war at the behest of a clamoring 


It is well not to forget the temper of the public mind at this time. 
The press teemed with bitter denunciation of the Spanish tyranny in 
Cuba; the demand for instant recognition of independence or for inter- 
vention was emphatic; the halls of Congress rang with appeals to 
prejudice and partisan feeling, and then, when all this was at its height, 
came the terrible calamity in the harbor of Havana. A weak man 
would have taken the easy alternative and yielded with much show of 
reason to the almost universal cry for vengeance. 

No greater test has come to any public man in the history of this 
country than to the President during those days. Through it all the 
man in the White House kept his head. He comes of Scotch-Irish 
parentage; good stock. The women of that stock are model house- 
wives, thrifty, helpful in communities. The men are steady, self- 
reliant, God-fearing, peace-loving; they think for themselves; when 
they are assailed they take a firmer grip on things. He had been edu- 
cated in the common schools, and had been before the people for a gen- 
eration in the various walks of public employment where men come to 
know and to be known by one another. His career had been constantly 
upward. He had broadened in intellect and sympathies with each year 
of service. 

Affectionate and tender in the domestic relations of life, as he was, 
some unconsciously had lost sight of the sturdy Scotch-Irish strain in 
his character. With the record of his administration as President be- 
fore them, his friends now realize what these years were doing for him. 
They look back now upon his services as Representative in Congress 
and as Governor of his native state, and recall the traits which only 
needed wider fields for their development. They recall how, frequently 
when before the people for their suffrages, he surprised his supporters 
and confounded his enemies by the simplicity and directness of his 
dealings with vexed questions. 

Time and again they had heard him insist that a course mapped 
out for him must be right rather than expedient. He saw fourteen 
years of service in that school of statesmanship, the national House of 
Representatives, and never deserted the standard of the great doctrine 
of which he became the exponent and defender. So it was that his 
friends of these years watched with eager and hopeful interest his dis- 
charge of the great duties of the Presidency. 

William McKinley is a typical American citizen. He stands for 
what is best in American life and character. He is without ostentation, 
simple in his tastes, deliberate in his speech, conservative in judgment, 
spotlessly pure in his private life, devoted to his home and his friends. 
There has been no stain upon his integrity during all the years that 
he has been under the searching light of public scrutiny. 

His devotion to his wife is one of the most beautiful and touching 
things in the lives of our public men. He wears well. There is nothing 
erratic about him. He does not pose. He believes in harmony. He is 
a fighter, but not a vindictive one. He fights with sense. If he has an 
object to accomplish, he will accomplish it even though he may have to 


sacrifice the small distinction of winning a personal victory. He keeps 
faith. He fulfills his promises. He believes in party obligation. He 
wants a united party. He believes that such a party can best serve the 
great interests committed to its charge. He knows that we can oft- 
times but approximate to our ideals and that it then becomes our duty 
to secure the best results obtainable. 

The Republican party under the leadership of William McKinley is 
more harmonious, more forceful, more dominant than at any time in its 
history. In his state and nation he has a united party. Could this have 
been the work of a weak man, as some of his opponents would have us 
believe? Is this the record of uncertainty? 

There were times during the Spanish-American war when William 
McKinley was a force of strength and power that brushed aside 
jealousies and littlenesses, that hurried forward great movements, that 
blocked the way of schemers and swept all before him. 

He dominates his administration, but, whether by force or gentle 
persuasiveness, he is the strong man at the helm. His methods are 
direct. He has had able men about him at his Cabinet table; men of 
keen minds, of independent thought, but who has heard of dissensions 
in the Cabinet? There are none. He is the guiding spirit, the controll- 
ing mind among those picked men of affairs. With them he is the 
friend and counselor, but when the decision comes, when the govern- 
ment is to act, when the Republic speaks, he is President. He is a 
many-sided man, not restricted in his equipment. In the varied fields 
of administrative duty he has been called upon, during his three and a 
half years in the White House, to assume the direction of matters in 
many branches of the government. In these he has shown a familiarity 
with the great affairs of government which has astonished those who 
have known it. 

Many of the state papers emanating from the executive depart- 
ments and that have become a part of the history of his administration 
were inspired by him or were the work of his own hand. His mastery 
of diplomacy has been the wonder of diplomats, but the secret of it has 
been his Americanism, his plainness of speech, combined with a certain 
Yankee shrewdness in the presentation of a subject or in the discovery 
of the weak points in an adversary's contentions. In the conduct of the 
operations of our Army and Navy he has been the real commander-in- 

When the history of his time is written his masterful hand will be 
seen at every turn. He took nothing for granted, but the patriotism 
and integrity of the American people. He is methodical in his habits, 
he is systematic. He accomplished much because of an orderly disposi- 
tion of his time. 

When in the White House he arises at 8, breakfasts at 8:30; from 
9 to 9:45 reads the papers, and at 10 o'clock he is in his office ready for 
business. From 10 to 1:30 he receives the various public officials, Sena- 
tors, Representatives, members of the staffs of the various departments 
and the public. At 1:30 he has lunch. 

From 2 to 2:30 he spends with Mrs. McKinley, either driving with 
her, or on inclement days reading to her. During the warm weather he 
defers the drive until late in the day. At 2:30 he is back in the office 
again and remains there until late in the afternoon, rarely leaving it be- 
fore 5 o'clock. If sufficient time is left before dinner he takes a short 
nap. Rising refreshed he is ready for dinner at 7 o'clock. 

After dinner the evening is spent in company with Mrs. McKinley 
and friends who call. Appointments are not made for official calls in 
the evening, except in special cases. At 10 o'clock the President is in his 
office again and remains there with his secretary until the accumulation 
of the day is disposed of. 


These hours at night are the only uninterrupted ones during the 
twenty-four that the President has for the consideration of the mass of 
detail that must be daily brought to his notice; even these are con- 
stantly encroached upon in times of stress and emergency. During the 
eventful days of the Spanish war the President remained in his office 
many hours of the night and was not infrequently working there with 
his secretary long past midnight. 

He is a plain liver. He smokes moderately, does not use intoxicat- 
ing liquors. He is clean of speech as he is of character. He has been 
a model husband, a devoted son and brother, and in all the walks of 
life has so carried himself as to leave the impress of a noble character. 
He is strong mentally and physically. He has no physical weakness. 
He walks with a decided and energetic step. While his face has a cer- 
tain pallor under excitement, it has habitually the fine glow of a man in 
rugged health. 

The President is frequently seen upon the streets of Washington. 
He is not hedged about by the usual pride and circumstance of rulers. 
He is the most reasonable of men, the most accommodating. No citizen 
is too lowly, no cause too poor to enlist his sympathy, but with all this 
he is a business man. He knows the value of time. He cannot accom- 
plish the work for which he has been chosen if he fails to husband his 
resources, and so it is that he gets out of every man associated with him 
the best and most that is in him. He does nothing himself that others 
should do for him. 

His Cabinet officers were appointed for a purpose — to administer 
the affairs of their great departments. He requires of them a strict 
account of stewardship. He does not interfere with them in the dis- 
charge of their onerous duties. He calls them into consultation. He 
requires a showing of their books. He draws upon them for a strength- 
ening of administrative policies. He relies upon them for material and 
support. His office is a model in the dispatch of public business. 

A keen judge of men, he has surrounded himself with efficient 
helpers. From an ordinary government establishment, with very 
indifferent methods, the Executive Mansion has become one of the most 
practical and helpful of public offices. A position in the offiece of the 
President of the United States is to-day a post of signal honor, highly 
prized among the thousands of such places in the Federal service. 

President McKinley believes in true civil service reform. During 
the first year of his administration, when his attention was repeatedly 
called to the inequalities and injustices of the then existing civil service 
regulations, he ordered the collection of data which would acquaint 
him with what was needed to better those conditions. And when it was 
gathered together, and he had satisfied himself of the wisdom of the 
changes, he promulgated the amendments to the civil service rules, 
which have already demonstrated their value and proved one of the 
most potent influences in the strengthening of the merit system. 

His administration has not been one of bluster. There has been 
no blare of trumpets or resorts to the arts of the demagogue. A 
striking example of this is found in the settlement of the Pacific Rail- 
road indebtedness, when a vast sum was realized and the debt can- 
celed without a ripple in the financial world, with a saving to the gov- 
ernment of many millions of dollars. For years this indebtedness had 
taxed the skill of our ablest financiers, and was one of the things handed 
down from administration to administration. 

Hawaii has been annexed. From danger of embarrassment in 
Samoa we have emerged in undisputed possession of the best of that 
group of islands. A government has been provided for Alaska. A 
practical tariff law and an equally practical financial law are on the 
statute books. Any one of these measures would be sufficient for the 


record of an administration. Great results for liberty and humanity 
have been achieved in Porto Rico, Cuba and the Philippines. 

Militarism and imperialism are terms glibly spoken these days by 
the unthinking, and, high sounding as they are, may appeal for the time 
to partisan expediency. They are the symbol of fine theories, but 
neither the one nor the other exists in America. Nor can the unbiased 
citizen, after a thoughtful study and investigation, come to any other 
conclusion than that they are but words— campaign necessities — for 
those who must find a catch phrase or a platform. 

These are the days of fact against fancy; of things done against 
things promised; of practice against theory; of sense against sound; 
of men of. action against men of straw; of flesh and blood against 
bugaboos. Where is the evidence of this thing called imperialism? 
Is the President attended with pomp and ceremony as he goes from 
place to place? Has he surrounded himself with courtiers and re- 
tainers? Is there a word or a line in any of his state papers cham- 
pioning absolutism or a ruthless disregard of the rights of the people? 
He has served while others have scoffed. He has fulfilled the ob- 
ligations of his oath while others have vilified, have encouraged treason 
and cast their lot with the murderers of our soldiers. Devotion to the 
constitution is not well expressed by giving succor to the enemies of the 

No man in the Presidential office was ever more scrupulous in his 
conduct of the people's business; no man in that exalted office ever had 
a nicer sense of its proprieties. 

No man was ever nearer the hearts of the common people than Will- 
iam McKinley. 

American diplomacy in China has had in it no element of either 
militarism or imperialism, but it stands to-day as an example to the 
world of what plain speech and direct methods can accomplish in the 
intercourse of nations. It is but a link in the chain of the adminis- 
tration's achievements. It appeals to all classes as a substantial ad- 
vance of the republic in the pathway of progress and civilization. 

From the hour of the declaration of war with Spain, America has 
taken her proper place among the nations. To-day she stands at the 
front, with no entangling alliances. With the destiny of the en- 
franchised in her keeping she undertakes the heavy burdens and re- 
sponsibilities which come with growth and advancement. 

Ever alive to her material interests, she has yet kept steadily be- 
fore her, clear as the pole-star, the guiding principle of duty, and no 
amount of partisan rancor, no sort of cheap political argument, no din 
of sophistry and assurance, no weakling reserve will stand in the way 
of her enlightened progress and commercial supremacy. 

And because he has at heart the republic's best interests and with 
an eye single to her future greatness bent the energy of his adminis- 
tration to their achievement, while preserving the old ties and the old 
sentiments, abating nothing of devotion and adherence to the constitu- 
tion, the Declaration of Independence and all the other great bulwarks of 
our national safety— because of this record in the closing days of the 
century, will William McKinley's name go into the history of his coun- 
try as one of her greatest and best beloved citizens. 

Mckinl ey on labor. 

His Public Utterances in Behalf of the Work- 
ingmen of the united states, 


The following extracts from the public utterances of William McELinley during 
;lie twenty-two years since the beginning of his participation in national legislation 
•annot fail to interest every workingman and every friend of labor. They show a 
•onsistent and persistent devotion to the interests of labor and legislation in its behalf. 
The quotations here given are from public addresses, and in the attempt to present 
:hem as a continuous record of a period of such length and activity they are neces- 
sarily incomplete and fragmentary, being in all cases brief extracts from speeches 
ind addresses in which the interests of labor are discussed at greater length than 
ivould be possible to completely present in a publication of this character. They are 
sufficient, however, to show that William MeKinley has been at every stage of his 
career and on all occasions an avowed, earnest, and persistent friend of labor and of 
its protection and the advance of its interests in every legitimate means. 
(In House of Representatives, April 15, 1878.) 

No man or party would be bold enough to advocate the reduction of labor as a 
naked proposition, but rather its increase. But, Mr. Chairman, behind this bill, un- 
lerneath its provisions, as I shall attempt to show you later, is inevitable reduction 
Df the price of labor all over the country. The price of labor is inadequate to the 
necessities of the laboring man, and the workingmen of the country are patiently ac- 
cepting the inevitable in the hope of relief and better times in the near future. And 
while I would rejoice at the reduction of the rate of interest for the use of money 
Hid the decrease of local taxation, I must protest against this or any other measure 
which looks to the scaling down of the wages of labor. * * * * Reduce the 
tariff, and labor is the first to suffer. The difference betAveen the present and the 
proposed rate of duty must be made up somewhere, must be compensated in some 
way. As always has been the case, when economy in production is to be studied, 
the manufacturer looks to his payroll of labor and commences there first. * * 
It is our duty, and we ought to protect as sacredly and assuredly the labor and the 
industry of the United States as we would protect her honor from taint or her ter- 
ritory from invasion. We ought to take care of our own nation and her industries 
(In House of Representatives, April 6, 1882.) 

The fundamental argument for protection is its benefits to labor. That it en- 
ables the manufacturer to pay more and better wages than are paid to like labor and 
services anywhere else will not be disputed. 

There is not a branch of labor in the United State-- that does not receive higher 
rewards than in any other country. Our laborers are not only the best paid, clothed, 
and educated in the world, but they have more comforts, more independence, more of 
them live in houses that they own, more of them have savings in savings institu- 
tions, and are better contented, than their rivals anywhere else. And this, according 
to my view, is the result of protection — of the protective system that was inaugurated 
by the Republican party. Our laboring men are not content with the hedger and 
ditcher's rate of pay. No worthy American wants to reduce the price of labor in the 
United States. It ought not to be reduced ; for the sake of the laborer and his family 
and the good of society it ought to be maintained. To increase it would be in better 
harmony with the public sense. Our labor must not be debased, nor our laborers de- 
|raded to the level of slaves, nor any pauper or servile system in any form, nor under 


any guise whatsoever,* at home or abroad. Our civilization will not permit it. Our 
humanity forbids it Our traditions are opposed to it. The stability of our insti- 
tutions rests upon the contentment and intelligence of all our people, and these can 
only be possessed by maintaining the dignity of labor and securing to it its just re- 
wards. That protection opens new avenues for employment, broadens and diversifies 
the field of labor, and presents variety of vocation, is manifest from our own ex- 

(In House of Representatives, Jan. 27, 1893.) 
No lover of his race, no friend of humanity, wants reduced wages. I speak for 
the workingmen of my district, the workingmen of Ohio, and of the country. 

(Mr. Springer .-j— They did not speak for you very largely at the last election.) 
Ah, my friend, my fidelity to my constituents is not measured by the support 
they give me! (Great applause.) I have convictions upon this subject which I 
would not surrender or refrain from advocating if 10,000 majority had been entered 
against me last October. (Renewed applause.) 


fin House of Representatives, April 30, 1S84.) 

Our wages are higher here than in any other nation of the world, and we are all 
proud and grateful that it is so. I know it is denied, but experience outweighs the- 
ories or misleading statistics. One thing we do know is, that our work people do not 
go abroad for better wages, and every other nationality comes here for increased 
wages and gets them. * * * * The proposition of the Chairman of the Com- 
mittee on Ways and Means will result in reducing the wages of labor or the destruc- 
tion of many of our most valuable industries, and the deprivation of employment to 
thousands. The one or the other alternative must come; either will be most disas- 
trous, and attended by business depression and individual suffering. We must not 
reduce the price paid to labor ; it is already sufficiently low. We can only prevent 
it by defeating this bill, and it should be done without unnecessary delay. The sooner 
the better, and remove this menace which hangs over all of our industrial life and 
threatens the comfort and independence of millions of American workingmen. 


(At Petersburg, Va., Oct. 29, 1885.) 

There is no royal blood among us ; there are no descended titles here ; there is 
no way in the world of getting on and up, or earning money, except by work. (Ap- 
plause.) There are just two ways in the United States to acquire money; one is to 
steal it, the other is to earn it, and the honorable way is to earn it; and you earn it 
by labor, either the labor of the hand or the labor of the brain. (Applause.) And 
the industrious labor of the hand, and the careful labor of the brain — the possessors 
of these are going to be the men of the future, whether they are in Virginia or in 
Ohio. (Applause.) * * * * Now, a great question, my fellow-citizens, before 
this country — a question of the now and a question of the hereafter — is whether we 
shall have maintained in the United States a system of protection to American labor 
and American development, or whether we shall have practical free trade wun all 
the countries of the world. * * * * 

The chief ground upon which we can justify a protective tariff to-day is that it 
is in the interest of American labor — American black labor as well as American white 
labor — and the protective tariff we want is a tax sufficient to make up the difference 
between the prices paid labor in Europe and the prices paid labor in America. Now, 
that is all the duty we want. Whenever the workingmen of the United States — I 
mean skilled and unskilled laboring men — whenever they are ready to work for the 
same wages, the same low wages that are paid their rivals on the other side, their 
rivals in England, in Germany, in Belgium, and in France, engaged in the same occu- 
pation — whenever they are ready for that, Avhich I hope and believe will never be, 
then we are ready for the free-trade doctrines of the Democratic party. (Applause.) 
* * * # 

I tell you, free-trade Democracy does not mean prosperity, because when true free 
trade comes, and everything made on the other side comes in here to compete with 
that we make on this side, either one of two things must happen — either the Ameri- 
can manufacturer must quit business, put out his fires, discharge his employes, or go 
to his payroll and cut that pay roll down low enough to compete with the cheap labor 
that makes the product on the other side. (Cries of "That's it!") You will never 

have prosperity as long as the Democratic party remains as a standing menace to the 
.industry, growth, and advancement of the United States. Stand by your interests — 
stand by the party that stands by the people. (A voice, "You are right, and we 
will do it.") Because in the Republican party there is no such thing as class or caste. 
The humble poor colored man in the Republican party, the humble poor white man 
in the Republican party, has an equal chance with the opulent white or colored Re- 
publican in the race of life. And so with every race and every nationality, the Re- 
publican party says, "Come up higher!" We do not appeal to passions; we do not 
appeal to baser instincts; we do not appeal to race or war prejudices. We do appeal 
to your consciences ; we do appeal to your own best interests, to stand by a party that 
stands by the people. 

m (In House of Representatives, April 2, 1886.) 
If by the passage of this simple measure arbitration as a system shall be aided to 
the slightest extent or advanced in public or private favor, or if it shall serve to at- 
tract the thoughful attention of the people to the subject, much will have been ac- 
complished for the good order of our communities and for the welfare and prosperity 
of the people. * * * * It places both parties upon an equality in pursuing the 
investigation. A lack of means upon the one hand or the other will not impair the 
fullest consideration. The humblest and poorest man can send for persons and 
papers without incurring an expense which very often they can illy bear. As the 
compensation of the board comes out of the public treasury, neither party is subject 
to the expense of the investigation, and the laboring men will not be required to draw 
from their scanty savings or assess their fellow-workmen to meet actual expenses. 
This overcomes the disadvantage of limited means on the one hand, and avoids any 
advantage which might occur from bounteous means on the other. It equalizes then- 
condition for a thorough investigation and a complete disclosure of the true situa- 
tion. That provision alone is worth to the cause of arbitration much more than it 
will cost the National Treasury. * * * * * 

I beiieve, Mr. Chairman, in arbitration as a principle; I believe it should prevail 
in the settlement of international differences. It represents a higher civilization 
than the arbitrament of war. I believe it is in close accord with the best thought and 
sentiment of mankind; I believe it is the true way of settling differences between 
labor and capital; I believe it will bring both to a better understanding, unitino- them 
closer in interest, and promoting better relations, avoiding force, avoiding unjust ex- 
actions and oppression, avoiding the loss of earnings to labor, avoiding disturbances 
to trade and transportation. 

(At Boston, Mass., Feb. 9, 1888.) 

The manufacturers of New England, and more particularly the skilled labor em- 
ployed by them, need a protective tariff, and require it equally with the industries 
and labor of other States. It is imperatively demanded, not only here, but in everv 
section of the Union, if the present price of labor is to be continued arid maintained. 
* * * * I would secure the American market to the American producer (ap- 
plause), and I would not hesitate to raise the duties whenever necessary to secure 
this patriotic end. (Applause.) I would not have an idle man or an idle mill or an 
idle spindle in this country, if by holding exclusively the American market, we could 
keep them employed and running. (Applause.) Every yard of cloth imported here 
makes a demand for one yard less of American fabrication. Let England take care 
of herself, let France look after her interests, let Germany take care of her own peo- 
ple, but in God's name let Americans look after America! (Loud applause ) 
Every ton of steel imported diminishes that much of home production. Every blow 
struck on the other side upon an article which comes here in competition with like arti- 
cles produced here makes the demand for one blow less at home. Every day's labor 
upon the foreign products sent to the United States takes one day's labor from Ameri- 
can workingmen. I would give the day's labor to our own, first, last, and all the 
time, and that policy which fails in thk is opposed to American interests. To se- 
cure this is the great purpose of a protective tariff. 


(In House of Representatives, May 18, 1888.) 
We will have no objection to free trade when all the nations shall bring the level 
of their labor up to ours; when they shall accept our standard: when they shall re- 
gard the toi!Sr as 'a man, and not a slave: but we will never consent while we have 


votes and the power to prevent to the dragging down of our labor to that of tin 
European standard. (Applause.) Let them elevate theirs; let them bring theirs 
to our level; and we will then have no contention about revenue or protective tariffs. 
We will meet them in the open field, in home and neutral markets, upon an equal 
footing, and the fittest will survive. (Applause.) 

(At Atlanta, Ga., August 21, 1888.) 

We cannot without grave danger and serious disturbance — we ought not under 
any circumstances — adopt a policy which would scale down the wages and diminish 
the comforts of American workingmen. Their welfare and independence, their prog- 
ress and elevation, are closely related to the welfare and independence and progress 
of the Republic. We have no pampered class in this country, and we want none. We 
want the field kept open ; no narrowing of the avenues ; n'o lowering of our standard. 
We want no barriers raised against a higher and better civilization. The gateway of 
>pportunity must be open to all, to the end that they may be first who deserve to be 
first, whether born in poverty or reared in luxury. We do not want the masses ex- 
cluded from competing for the first rank among their countrymen and for the nation's 
greatest honors, and we do not mean that they shall be. 

Free trade, or a revenue tariff, will of necessity shut them out. It has no re- 
spect for labor. It holds it as the mere machinery of capital. It would have cheap 
men that it might have cheap merchandise. With all its boasted love for the strug- 
gling millions, it is infinitely more interested in cutting down the wages of labor than 
in saving twenty-five cents on a blanket; more intent in reducing the purchasing 
power of a man's labor than the cost of his coat. 

(At Cleveland, 0., October 5, 1889.) 

I do not prize the word cheap. It is not a word of hope; it is not a word of 
comfort; it is not a word of cheer; it is not a word of inspiration! It is the badge 
?f poverty; it is the signal of distress; and there is not a man in this audience, not 
a single white-haired man, who, if he will let his memory go back, will not recall 
that when things were the cheapest, men were the poorest. (Applause.) * * * * 
pheap merchandise means cheap men, and cheap men mean a cheap country; and that 
is not the kind of Government our fathers founded, and it is not the kind their sons 
mean to maintain. (Applause.) If you want cheap things, go where you can get 
them; that is where you belong; this is not your abiding place. We want labor to 
be well paid; we want the products of the farm, we want mechanical products, we 
vant everything we make and produce to pay a fair compensation to the producer. 
That is what makes good times; that is what protective tariffs mean. 


(In the House of Representatives, May 7, 1890.) 

There is no other country in the world where individual enterprise has so much 
meouragement as in the United States. There is no nation in the world, under any 
eystem, w 7 here the same reward is given to the labor of man's hands and the work of 
their brains as in the United States. We have widened the sphere of human endeavor 
and given to every man a fair chance in the race of life and in the attain- 
ment of the highest possibilities of human destinies. To reverse this system means 
to stop the progress of the Republic and reduce the masses to small rewards for their 
labor, to longer hours and less pay, to the simple question of bread and butter. It 
means to turn them from ambition, courage and hope, to dependence, degradation, 
and despair. No sane man will give up what he has, what he is in full possession of. 
what he can count on for himself and his children, for what is promised by your 
theories. Free trade, or, as you are pleased to call it, "revenue tariff," means the 
Dpening up of this market, which is admitted to be the best in the world, to the free 
entry of the products of the world. It means more — it means that the labor of this 
country is to be remitted to its earlier condition, and that the condition of our people 
is to be leveled down to the condition of rival countries; because under it every ele- 
ment of cost, every item of production, including wages, must be brought down to the 
level of the lowest paid labor of the world. * * * 

With me this position is a deep conviction, not a theory. I believe in it and thus 
warmly advocate it because enveloped in it are my country's highest development 
and greatest prosperity; out of it come the greatest gains to the people, the great- 
est comforts to the masses, the widest encouragement for manly aspirations; with the 

largest rewards, dignifying and elevating our citizenship, upon which the safety and 
p ( urity and permanence of our political system depend. (Long-continued applause 
on the Republican side, and cries of "Vote!" "Vote!") 


(In the House of Representatives, August 28, 1890.) 

Mr. Speaker, I am in favor of this (the Eight Hour Law) bill. It has been said 
that it is a bill to limit the opportunity of the workingman to gain a livelihood. This 
is not true ; it will have the opposite effect. * * * The Government of the United 
States ought, finally and in good faith, to set this example of eight hours as consti- 
tuting a day's work required of laboring men in the service of the United States. 
(Applause.) The tendency of the times the wocld over is for shorter hours of labor., 
shorter hours in the interest of health, shorter hours in the interest of humanity. 
shorter hours in the interest of the home and family; and the United States can do 
no better service to labor and to its own citizens than to set the example to States., 
to corporations, and to individuals employing men by declaring that, so far as the 
Government is concerned, eight hours shall constitute a day's work, and be all that 
is required of its laboring force. * * * 

Mr. Speaker, Ave owe something to the care, the elevation, the dignity and educa- 
tion of labor. We owe something to the workingmen and the families of the work- 
ijigmen throughout the United States who constitute the large body of the population, 
and this bill is a step in the right direction. (Applause.) 


(At Toledo, 0., Feb. 12, 1891.) 

Mr. President, that country is least prosperous where low prices are secured 
through low wages. Cheap foreign goods, free or practically free, in com- 
petition with domestic goods involve cheap labor at home or depend- 
ence upon foreign manufactures. Those who advocate duties solely foi 
revenue see only as a result cheaper prices, which are but tem- 
porary at best, and do not see the other side, that of lower wages, cheaper labor 
agricultural depression, and general distress. The protective system, by encouraging 
capital to engage in productive enterprises, has accorded to labor, skill and genius 
'higher opportunities and greater rewards than could otherwise be secured, defend- 
ing them against ruinous foreign competition, while promoting home competition 
and giving the American consumer better products at lower prices and the farmer a 
better market than was ever enjoyed under the free-trade tariffs of the Democratic 


(At New York City, April 10, 1891.) 

As a tariff has to be levied to raise revenue, we believe it better that it should 
be levied on the foreign products which compete with those produced by our owr 
people, and to that extent protect our own producers, our OAvn labor, and defenc 
them reasonably and fairly in their own markets. The result of this system of tarifl 
has so quickened the energies of our. people, so stimulated production and develop 
ment, as to make us the greatest agricultural and mining and manufacturing Natior 
of the world. It has diversified our industries, given to the farmer the best niarkei 
and to labor the best wages anywhere to be found, and the consumers betfer products 
at lower prices, than they ever before enjoyed. (Applause.) 

(At Cincinatti, 0., on Labor Day, Sept 1, 1891.) 
I come by invitation of your Committee, not to make a formal address, but to ex 
press by my presence the interest which I feel in the cause which you represent, anc 
to participate with you in the suitable recognition of "Labor Day." There is nothing 
too good for the men who work. The days of rest and recuperation in our pushing 
busy age are too few, altogether too few, and the setting apart of this public holiday 
is a step worthy our highest commendation, and is an honorable recognition of labor 
which is the foundation of our wealth and production. * * * It is our glory thai 
the American laborer is more intelligent and better paid than his foreign competitor 
and so far no call upon his greater inventive skill and genius has been made in vain 
Herbert -Spencer has testified, "Beyond question, in respect to mechanical appliance* 
the Americans are ahead of all other nations," Superior tools would alone give m 


no small advantage, but the possession of the best machinery implies much more, 
that we have also the best mechanics in the world. 

There are some things we should remember, however. Nothing is cheap which 
enforces idleness upon our own people. Invention does not follow idleness. Noth- 
ing is cheap which permits to slumber in our hills and mountains the rich raw ma- 
terials that only await the manipulation of man to produce untold wealth. The 
first duty of a nation is to enact those laws which will give to its citizens the widest 
opportunity for labor and the best rewards for work done. 


(To Committee of Republican Clubs, at Ann Arbor, Mich., May 17, 1892.) 
I need not say to you what the w T orld knows: That this country, after nearly 
one-third of a century of protection, has reached the proud position of being of all 
nations of the world the first in manufactures, first in mining, first in agriculture, 
first in invention, and first in educational advantages for the masses; that labor is 
better rewarded here; and that the great body of the people have wider and better 
opportunities for advancement here than could be found anywhere else in the wide, 
wide world. Protection builds up; a revenue tariff tears down. Protection brings 
hope and courage to heart and home; free trade drives them from both. Free trade 
levels down; protection levels up. 


(To Tin Workers of Niles, 0., June 20, 189C.) 

I am glad to have demonstrated in my native town that we can make tin plate 
in the United States, and in reply to what your spokesman has been kind enough to 
say of my efforts in that direction, 1 answer that if I have been associated with any 
legislation that has given to a single American workingman a day's work at Ameri- 
can wages which he did not receive before, that is honor enough for me. What we 
want in this country is a policy that will give to every American workingman full 
work at American wages. (Applause.) 

(To Zanesville Y'oung Mens Club, June 22, 1896.) 

We have had some experience in the last three years and a half. Experience has 
superseded prophecy, and cold facts take the place of prediction. We all know more 
than we knew then, and are ready and anxious to get back a period like that of 1892, 
when this country was enjoying its highest prosperity with the greatest domestic 
trade it ever had, and the largest foreign trade ever known with the nations of the 
world. We want to get back the old policy, my fellow-citizens, which will give to 
labor work and wages, and to agriculture a home market and the good foreign mar- 
ket which was opened up by the reciprocity legislation of the Republican party. We 
have come to appreciate that protective tariffs are better than idleness. (Applause.) 

(To Tuscarawas tin workers, July 3, 1896.) 

Here in this country we are dependent upon each other, no matter what our oc- 
cupation may be. All of us want good times, good wages, good prices, good markets, 
and then we want good money, too, and always intend to have it. When we give a 
good day's work to our employers we want to be paid in good sound dollars, worth 
one hundred cents each, and never any less. * * * * What I want to see in this 
country is a return to that prosperity which we enjoyed for thirty years, prior to 
1893. A policy that will put idle men to work at American wages, for the more men 
we have at work at good American Avages the better markets the farmers will have 
and the better prices they will get for their products. 


(From speech to Notification Committee, June 29, 1896.) 
Great issues are involved in the coming election, and eager and earnest the peo- 
ple for their right determination. Our domestic trade must be won back, and our 
idle working people employed in gainful occupations at American wages. 
The dollar paid to the farmer, the wage-earner, and the pensioner must continue for- 
ever equal in purchasing and debt-paying power to the dollar paid to any Govern- 


^ment creditor. * * * The great body of our citizens know what they want, and 
that they intend to have. They know for what the Republican party stands and what 
its return to power means to them. They realize that the Republican party believes 
that our work should be done at home and not abroad, and everywhere proclaim their 
devotion to the principles of a protective tariff, which, while supplying adequate 
revenues for the Government, will restore American production, and serve the best 
interests of American labor and development. Our appeal, therefore, is not to a false 
philosophy, or vain theorists, but to the masses of the American people, the plain, 
practical people, whom Lincoln loved and trusted, and whom the Republican party 
has always faithfully striven to serve. 

(To Alliance, 0., workingmen, July 23, 1896.) 
What we want, no matter what political organization we may have belonged to 
in the past, is a return to the good times of four years ago. We want good prices 
and good wages, and when we shall have them again we want them paid in good 
money. (Applause.) Whether our prices be high or low, whether our wages be 
good or bad, they are all better by being paid in dollars worth one hundred cents 
each. If we have good wages, they are better by being paid in good dollars. If we 
have poor wages, they are made poorer by being paid in poor dollars. 


(To the delegation of window glass workers, at Canton, 0., July 23, 1896.) 

The Government, my fellow-citizens, has not been the only sufferer in the past 
three years, as your spokesman has vividly shown. The people have suffered, the 
laboring man in his work and wages, the farmer in his prices and 
markets, and our citizens generally in their incomes and investments. Enforced 
idleness among the people has brought to many American homes gloom and wretched- 
ness, where cheer and hope once dwelt. Both Government and people have paid 
dearly for a mistaken policy, a policy which has disturbed our industries and cut 
down our revenues, always so essential^ to our credit, independence and prosperity. 
Having stricken down our industries, a' new experiment is now proposed, one that 
would debase our currency and further weaken, if not wholly destroy, public confi- 
dence. Workingmen, have we not had enough of such .rash and costly experiments ? 
Don't all of us " wish for the return of the economic policy which for more than a 
third of a century gave the Government its highest credit and the citizen his greatest 
prosperity ? 

(To delegation of colored citizens and military of Cleveland, 0., at Canton, August 

17, 1896.) 

We want in the United States neither cheap money nor cheap labor. We will 
have neither the one nor the other. We must not forget that nothing is cheap to the 
American people which comes from abroad and when it entails idleness upon our own 
laborers. We are opposed to any policy which increases the number of the unem- 
ployed in the United States, even if it does give us cheaper foreign goods; and we are 
opposed to any policy which degrades American manhood that we may have cheaper 
goods made either at home or abroad. Having reduced the pay of labor, it is now 
proposed to reduce the value of the money in which labor is paid. * " * 

My countrymen, the most un-American of all appeals observable in this campaign 
is the one which seeks to array labor against capital, employer against employe. It 
is most unpatriotic and is fraught with the greatest peril to all concerned. We are 
all political equals here — equal in privilege and opportunity — dependent upon each 
other and the prosperity of the one is the prosperity of the other. 

(To delegation of workmen and others from his old Congressional district, August 

24, 1896.) 
I cannot forget that you trusted me in my young manhood, and that you have 
ever since followed me with unfaltering confidence. I remember the first time that I 
ever looked into the faces of an East Liverpool audience twenty years ago, and that 
then, as now, I was speaking for sound money and a protective tariff. Your spokes- 
man has alluded most graciously to what he terms the services I have given to your 
great industry. If I have done anything to bring work to you or my fellow-man any- 
where and make the condition of the American workingman easier, that is the high- 

est reward I seek, and greater reward no man could have. There is no industry in 
the United States, my fellow citizens, which demands or deserves protection through 
our tariff more than yours. 

(From Letter of Acceptance, 1896.) 

No one suffers so much from cheap money as the farmers and laborers. 'They 
are the first to feel its bad effects and the last to recover from them. It has been 
the experience of all countries, and here as elsewhere the poor and not the rich are 
the greatest sufferers. * * * It is a cause for painful regret and solicitude that 
an effort is being made by those high in the councils of the allied parties to divide 
the people of this country into classes and create distinctions among us which, in fact, 
do not exist, and are repugnant to our form of government. These appeals to pas- 
sion and prejudice are beneath the spirit and intelligence of a free people, and should 
be met with stern rebuke by those they are sought to influence, and I believe thev 


(To delegation of Pittsburg workingmen, on Labor Day, Sept. 5, 1896.) 

This assemblage thoroughly typifies the National idea of a great American com- 
monwealth in this, that it presents the equality of all which lies at the basis of popu- 
lar government. * * * * Here is a striking protest against the unworthy effort 
on the part of those who would divide our citizenship into classes and a striking con- 
demnation of such un-American appeals to passion and prejudice. Nothing can bettei 
stamp with falsehood and indignant disapproval the effort to array class against 
class, than this great demonstration before me to-day. I have no sympathy with sucli 
appeals — have you? Patriotism is a grander sentiment; it ennobles but never dis- 
graces. Instead of seeking to work the masses, it would be worthier on the part oi 
all of us to try to get work for the masses. Workingmen, that you should have call- 
ed on me the day set apart by your great commonwealth to celebrate the worth, the 
dignity and the power of labor, is a great honor, which I duly and gratefully appre- 

(To Workingmen of Homestead, Pa., Sept. 12, 1896.) 

I have always been, as you know, in favor of a protective tariff; I have always 
advocated it, and believe in it, because I think it is necessary to protect the Americar 
workingman against the cheaper labor of the Old World. Applying that great prin- 
ciple, I am in favor of protecting to-day the laboring men of the United States againsi 
a degraded currency. I am opposed to free trade because it degrades American labor ; 
I am opposed to free silver because it degrades American money. 

(To employes of Pennsylvania Railroad, at Canton, Sept. 12, 1896.) 
I thank you gentlemen of Pennsylvania, representing every branch and depart- 
ment of industry, for the call which you have made upon me here to-day, and I thank 
you for the messages, the gracious messages which you have brought, that you will 
stand this year for American honor, American public faith, American prosperity and 
the full employment at American wages of every idle man in America. What w« 
want in America, and by that I mean the United States, what we want, I say, in 
this country, is a full one hundred cent dollar and then we want after that the freest 
and best opportunity to earn it. 

(To steel workers of Braddock, Pa., Sept. 17, 1896.) 
My countrymen, I am one of these Americans who believe that the American 
workshop should be protected as far as possible from the foreign workshop, to the end 
that American workingmen may be constantly employed at American wages. Noi 
do I want products cheapened at the expense of American manhood, nor do* I think 
that it is economy to buy goods cheaply abroad if it thereby enforces idleness at 


(To delegation of Pennsylvania workingmen, at Canton, Sept. 19, 1896.) 

I am one of those Americans who believe that the American workshop should hi 

protected against the foreign workshop. I believe that the American workingmen 

should be defended by a wise and judicious protective policy against the underpaid 

workingmen of the Old World. In a word, I believe that this country is ours and 
that we, first of all, are entitled to enjoy its privileges and its blessings. The first 
thing we want in this country is plenty to do. We want neither short work nor 
short dollars in the United States. We want neither free trade nor free silver in the 
United States. We want an opportunity to work and when we have improved that 
opportunity, we want to be paid in dollars that are worth as much the week or year 
after they are received as on the day of their receipt. Free trade has cheated vou in 
your wages and you do not propose to permit free silver to cheat you in your pav 


(To employes of the Carnegie City Mills, of Pittsburg, Pa., Sept. 19, 1896.) 
Nothing moves me more deeply than to have the assurances of support which J 
am daily receiving from the men in the United States who toil. To have as allies in 
this great contest for the honor and prosperity of the countrymen the workino-men 
of the United States is indeed a crown to any cause. You have but one aim in the 
use of your ballots and that is to secure the highest and greatest good to the people 
of the United States. That is what the ballot is for and it is for the accomplishment 
of this that you will use the ballot this year. We have had in this country for three 
years past an experience under two contending National policies. Most of the men 
who sit before me to-day never had any experience under but one policy until within 
the last four years. You have now tried them both. You have tried the protective 
policy of the Republican Party and you have tried the free trade revenue policy oi 
the Democratic Party. ^ hich do you like best ? **..** What we want in this 
country is that every man who seeks 7 work shall have an opportunity to work. And 
then when he has performed an honest day's work for his employer, we mean he shall 
be paid in honest dollars. 


(To delegation of workingmen and others from Mercer and Butler Counties, Pennsvl- 

vania,, at Canton, Sept. 19, 1896.) 

What we want in this country first and foremost is work for the American work- 
ingman. Every man in the country who wants to work ought to have an opportunity 
to work, and that opportunity is always limited by the extent to which we have our 
work done in Europe and European workshops by European labor. I am one of those 
who believe in the doctrine of protecting American factories against foreign factories 
and the American laborer against the workingmen of the world. * " ;: " * * What 
we want is a chance to work and when we have wages the home market is always 
improved for every farmer who wants to turn an honest dollar. We want an honest 
American dollar, too, and you should vote for the Party that you believe is more 
likely to give you the best chance to work and the best coin in payment, and you musH 
judge for yourselves which party tliat is. 



(To delegation of citizens of Western New York, Sept. 2, 1896.) 

We never had so much work in our history as we had in 1892. What we want 
is to get back to those good times and the people are only waiting for an opportunity 
in 1896, to vote back the principles and policies they gave up four years ao-o. We 
want no free trade in the United States. We want the American workshop protected 
and defended against the foreign workshop for the benefit of American workingmen. 
Suppose the foreign manufacturer could pay customs duties with a fifty-cent dollar! 
would not that reduce the protection you now have one half? My fellow citizens, do 
not be deluded. No matter how much money we have or may have in this country, 
there is but one way to get it and that is to give something 'for it. What we want 
just now is somebody who wants what we have to give him. Labor cannot wait. The 
capital of the workingman is his strong right arm. If he does not use it to-day just 
that much of his capital is gone and gone forever. The capitalist can wait on his 
dividends but the workingman cannot wait on his dinner. And there is nothing so 
well calculated to injure labor in the United States as a depreciated currency. I 
want you to read what Webster said, March 15, 1837, in your great State: "He who 
tampers with the currency robs labor of its bread. He panders, indeed, to the greed 
of capital, which is keen sighted and may shift for itself, but he beggars labor which 
is honest, unsuspecting, and too busy with the present to calculate for the future. 
The prosperity of the working classes lives, moves and has its being in established 
credit and a steady medium of payment. All sudden changes destroy it; honest in- 

iustry never comes in for any part of the spoils in that scramble which takes place 
when the currency of the country is disordered." 

(To citizens of Pennsylvania, at Canton, Sept. 25, 1896.) 
We want no idle men in the United States. We want no idle mills in the United 
States and to the end that we may have neither idle mills nor idle men, we must do 
our work in the United States and not outside the United States. You may disagree 
with me, but I believe in a Protective tariff. I have always so believed and I have 
never felt called upon to make an apology to anybody anywhere for having been de- 
moted to the great principles which promotes and encourages American development 
and good wag'es to American workingmen. Then, my fellow citizens, having secured 
a, tariff that will defend American interests, we want to continue the use of the good 
Did dollars that we have had since 1879. We want no clipped coins in the United 
States. We want no debased dollars any more than we want debased labor, and when 
men have given a full day's work to an American employer, we want that American 
employer to pay him in dollars as good as any dollars anywhere in 
the world, and worth one hundred cents each everj^vhere in the world. Then, 
my fellow citizens, we want another thing — we want peace and tranquility in the 
United States. We want it established once for all that this is a Government of law 
and by law and that now as always we are a law abiding people.* There is one thing 
that we are proud of and that is that the Republican party can submit its principles 
to the workingmen, to the farmer, to the student, to the scholar, to those of every 
calling or profession, with confidence, because those principles are right and eternal. 


(To citizens of Peoria, 111., at Canton, Sept. 26, 1896.) 
The judgment of the people is swift and terrible against those who mislead and 
delude them. The people are never led astray by deceit or misrepresentation when 
they investigate for themselves. This they are doing this year in a marked degree. 
It is of no avail that party leaders appeal to passion when the people are alive to their 
own and the public interests. It will not do to say to the men who are poo? n this 
world's goods — you must get off by yourselves, form a class of your own; you inter- 
ests are opposed to those who employ you. This is not enough this year. The poor 
man inquires: what good will it do me, how will that better my condition, how will 
that bring bread to my family or food to my children ? Will I be benefited by de- 
spoiling my employer? Will it give me more employment and better wages to strike 
down those whose money is invested in productive enterprises, which give me work 
and wages? Four years ago it was said that the manufacturer was making too much 
money. You remember it. But that cannot be said now. And that the robber 
tariff which was enriching him, must be torn root and branch to the end that he 
should be deprived of what some people were pleased to call his "ill-gotten profits." 
The country seemed to share in the suggestion, and the trial was entered upon, with 
what result every manufacturer, commercial man, traveling man, and workingman 
best knows. It has been discovered, to our hurt and sorrow that you cannot injure 
the manufacturer without injuring the laborer. It has been found, too, that you 
cannot injure the manufacturer without injuring the v/hole business of the country. 
You may close the shops by adverse tariffs, because you imagine the manufacturer is 
making too much, but with that done you close the door of employment in the face of 
the laborer whose only capital is his labor. You cannot punish the one without punish- 
ing the other and our policy would not inflict the slightest injury upon either. In 
such a case "getting off together" does not do either any good. Arraying labor 
against capital is a public calamity and an irreparable injury to both. Class appeals 
are dishonorable and dishonest. They calculate to separate those who should be 
united, for our economic interests are common and indivisible. Rather, my fellow 
citizens, teach the doctrine that it is the duty and privilege of every man to rise; 
that with honest industry he can advance himself to the best place in the shop, the 
store, the counting house or in the learned professions. This is the doctrine of equal- 
ity and opportunity that is woven into every fiber of our National being; a doctrine 
which has enabled the poorest boy with the humblest surroundings to reach the best 
place in our. great industries and to receive the highest trusts which can be be- 
stowed by a generous people. Gentlemen, nnd I speak to my countrymen everywhere, 
if you have not yourselves been among the most fortunate, I pray you think of your 
boys and girls and place no obstacles in their pathway to the realization of every 
lofty and honorable ambition which they may have. 



(To delegation of Railwaymen, at Canton, Sept. 26, 1890.) 
Yours is a most delicate and dangerous employment. I never step off a railroad 
train, after either a long or short journey, that I do not feel like making personal 
acknowledgement to every railroad employe for his care for the safety of the passen- 
gers. I never step off a railroad train that I do not feel like going to the engineer 
and taking off my hat to him. * * * * I make no appeal to you that is not 
based upon what I believe to be for the public good. I believe it is the mission of the 
Government of this country to take care of the industrial people of the country; I 
believe it is the business of the country to make everything that can be made in the 
United States which our people consume. I believe it is the business of the country 
to protect every citizen in his employment from the cheap products made by the 
cheaper labor of other lands. I believe that the way to have prosperity in the United 
States is to encourage the American workshop and uphold American labor; and 
when you uphold American labor and sustain the American workshop, you have given 
trade and traffic to these great railroad companies, the arteries of commerce, which in 
turn, give steady employment to the railway employes of the country. 


(To the tin plate workers of New Kensington, Pa., Sept. 26, 1896.) 
To be called by laboring men themselves "the workingman's friend," is the high- 
est honor for which I would strive. To have been in any way connected with Nation- 
al legislation that has furnished employment to the hundreds and thousands of men 
who stand beside and around me, is Avorthy the best ambition of any man. I am glad 
to have it demonstrated here to-day that we can and do make tin plate in the United 
States. If your factory and other kindred factories are not as prosperous as they 
were two or "three years ago, you know the reason why. If your wages have been 
reduced in the tin plate factories, you know quite as well as I can tell you the reason 
it is so; for whenever there is a cut in the rates of tariff upon foreign imports, it is 
likely to be followed by a cut of rates in American wages. I take it that you are all 
in favor of a protective tariff. I take it that you know which party stands for a 
protective tariff. I take it that you know which ticket represents that great Ameri- 
can doctrine, and knowing it, I take it you know just what National ticket is best for 
you. Now what you want after all — after good work and wages — is that you shall 
be paid in good dollars. You do not want your Avages cut and your money too. It 
is bad enough to suffer a reduction in yo»ur pay but it is an added aggraA'ation to haA 7 e 
to suffer a cut in the money in which you are paid. I take it that every man who 
stands before me to-day is not only in favor of National prosperity, but he is in 
faA*or of National honor, and a National currency that AA 7 ill be as sound as the Re- 
public and as unsullied as its honor has always been. There is no menace to labor 
like that of a depreciated and debased currency. * * * We must not lose our 
moorings; Ave must not be deluded by false doctrines or by false prophets. We must 
never by our ballots stigmatize ours either a dishonest or a repudiating Nation. 
Steady work and good Avages are the test of the Nation's prosperity, and the happi- 
ness of its citizens. Neither of them will come through free trade or free silver; for 
while both may benefit somebody else, neither of them can benefit the American citi- 

(To delegation of Avorkingmen from Harrisburg, Pa., at Canton, Oct. 3, 1896.) 
Ine cry of distress is going up from every part of our common country. What 
men AA r ant is busine.: activity. What laboring men want is work. We have discov- 
ered in the last three years and a half that AA*e cannot increase the output of the 
mines or the wages of the miner by decreasing manufacturing in the United States. 
We have discovered that less American coal is required if we do any part of the work 
in Europe rather than here at home. I favor that policy which Avill give the largest 
development to every American interest, that gives' the Avidest oportunity to eA 7 ery 
American citizen, that gives the most work and best Avages to eA'ery American laborer, 
and secures to our people the highest possible prosperity in all their occupations. 
* * * * My felloAA T citizens, Ave must defeat by decisiA*e majorities every scheme 
for the debasement of our currency, whether it be free silver or irredeemable paper 
money; but while we do this Ave must also defeat the destructive and dangerous men- 
ace of free trade. We have lost enough already in the reduced wages of our labor, and 


we do not propose to be further cheated by being paid in depreciated dollars. Let us 
effectually dispose of both, and restore to the country the great business prosperity 
which is naturally and properly ours to possess and enjoy. 


(To mechanics and workingmen of Alleghany, Pa., and Pennsylvania Railway shops, 

Oct. 3, 1896.) 
I have been pleased to note in the public press and learn from the many delega- 
tions that have visited me during the last six weeks, that the employes of our great 
railroads are deeply interested in the rightful settlement of the questions which are 
presented in this campaign. We have come to realize, no matter what may be our em- 
ployment, that we are most prosperous when the country is most prosperous. We 
have come to realize that the railroads do the most business, pay the best wages and 
have the most work when the farmers have good crops, good prices and good markets 
and the manufacturers have plenty of orders and their workmen steady employment. 
You always build more engines, repair more engines, and do more by way of improv- 
ing equipments when your railroads do the most business, and when they do the most 
business you have the steadiest employment and best wages. * * * * Democrats 
and Republicans alike, I ask you, do you want a continuance of a policy that has 
taken work from the American workshop and given it to the foreign workshop, or do 
you disapprove of that policy? You will have an opportunity to vote directly upon 
that proposition. We have the best country in the world, and if it does not continue 
to be the best it will be our own fault. We have the best railroads, and more rail- 
roads, and more internal commerce than any other nation, and it is because we have 
such vast internal commerce that the railroads of this country have been able to ex- 
tend their lines and give such liberal employment to American labor. You have an 
opportunity to vote this year on another question — as to whether you want good, 
full, round, one-hundred cent dollars in payment of your wages, or whether you want 
to be paid in fifty-two cent dollars. Nobody is cheated by a depreciated currency so 
much as the man who labors. This is the experience of mankind the world over. It 
has been our own experience at every period in our history when we have entered 
upon an era of depreciated currency, and were living under the wild-cat banking sys- 
tem which issued State money. The workingmen of this country are its largest cred- 
itors. There is due to the workingmen in prosperous times so vast a sum of money 
as to make them the greatest creditors of the world, and they are, therefore, more in- 
terested or quite as much interested as any other part of our population, in having a 
sound and stable currency, unvarying in value and good wherever trade goes. 


(To citizens of Ashland County, 0., Oct. 7, 1896.) 
Eighteen years ago your county was in the Congressional district for which I 
stood as a candidate for Congress. I remember to have gone to your county, as a 
j'oung man, almost an entire stranger to your people, but I shall never forget the 
warm and cordial welcome you gave me, and the splendid support you gave to the 
Republican Party that year. ***** That year, as the older men m the 
audience will recall, I was contending for two things. In every speech I presented 
what I regarded as two great overmastering issues. One was the return to specie 
payments and the other was the continuance of a protective tariff policy that would 
preserve our own market for the American farmers and our factories for the Amen 
?an workingmen. We are contending this year for the same principles. On the other 
hand the allied parties of the opposition insist that this country shall take a step 
backward. Ever since 1879 we have been on a gold basis, on the solid rock of honest 
Paiance and of honest payment of debts, public and private. It is proposed now that 
we shall enter upon an era of not only a depreciated silver dollar, but of depreciated 
paper money; to that the Republican Party answers, "No, forever, No." Some peo- 
ple seem, sometimes, to despair of the future of the United States. Nobody need 
have any apprehension on that score. The United States is too great and too re- 
sourceful to have its progress impeded for any considerable length of time by any 
political party. This year we stand, as in 1878, for the restoration of a protective 
policy. In 18*92, a year the most prosperous in our history, we were under such a 
policy. Every man in tins country who wanted work could find it, and every man 
who worked in this country in 1892 got better wages than he ever received in any 
other period of our history or in all the world's history. The farmers of this coun- 
try had the best home market in the world ; had more and better paid consumers than 

13 i 

the}' had ever had before. But that has all changed. The newspaper advertisements 
in 1892 used to read "Men wanted." The advertisements that run in the newspapers 
to-day read "Situations wanted." Our policy seeks to give a situation to every man 
of this country who wants to work. The policy of partial free trade has put the 
workingmen in a situation which entails upon them heavy loss, and upon every far- 
mer of the country great injury. 

(To delegations of Cleveland workingmen and coal miners, Oct. 1, 1896.) 
I am one of those who believe that we should look after our own people before 
we look after the people of other lands, who owe no allegiance to the Government of 
;he United States. I believe the right policy is the one which protects the American 
workshop by putting a tariff upon the products of the foreign workshop. My fellow 
citizens, I do not believe that we ought to have a tariff policy that will let the prod- 
ucts of cheaper lands and of underpaid labor, come into this country and destroy our 
manufactories and impoverish and degrade our labor. Now, the protective policy 
I my policy. It is the doctrine I have always believed in and 1 make no apology to 
mybody anywdiere for holding that view. And if on the third day of iSovember the 
American people in their sovereign capacity shall decree that a protective policy shall 
be restored, and sound money conunued, I hope and fervently pray that we will enter 
apon an era of prosperity that will give happiness and comfort to every American 


(To delegation of workmen from West Virginia potteries and iron and steel workers, 

Oct. 7, 1896.) 
The thought in every man's mind here, is: How can I better my condition? 
[low can I improve the condition of my family? The answer comes almost with one 
roice — the way to do it is to protect American industry and defend American labor. 
Let us do our own manufacturing here in the United States. Let us make our own 
u-on and steel, our own glass — and when we do that we will employ every idle man 
n the United States and bring hope arid happiness to every American home. I be- 
ieve in the policy of protection to home industries and to energies of the American 
oeople. I do not believe anything is cheap to our people that imposes idleness upon 
i single American citizen. What we want is work and wages. Do you believe free 
:rade will aid you? Do you believe protective tariffs will do it? (Cries of "Yes." 
'Yes." "Every time.") Then vote that way. Protection never closed an American 
factory. Protection never shut an American mine. Protection never put Ameri- 
can labor out on the streets. I can not say as much for partial free trade, such as 
we have experienced in the last three years and a half. More than that, my fellow 
I'itizens, we not only want an opportunity to work, but when we get that opportunity 
we want to be paid in honest dollars worth a hundred cents each. We believe neither 
in free trade nor in free silver. The one debases labor and the other the currency 
"f the country. And more than all, you gentlemen, I know, are in favor of the 
maintenance of Law and order. 


(To employes of Cleveland Rolling Mills, Oct. 7, 1896.) 
Nothing touches me more deeply than to have around and about me, assuring me of 
their support the workingmen of the United States. They are the bone and sinew of the 

ountry and the mighty conservative force which in every perilous crisis of history must 
ip relied upon to preserve National honor and the supremacy of the law. I am more than 
?lad to meet at my aome the workingmen of the Cleveland Rolling Mill and the Wire Mill 
?mployes. I have met you before. I have addressed thousands of the workingmen who 
stand about me to-day, at their homes in Newburg and Cleveland, and I believe there is 
not one of you present who would say that I ever sought to deceive or mislead you. I 
have stood in the past as a public servant striving to benefit my fellow man ; to roll the 
weight off his shoulders and give him a fair and equal chance in the great race and con- 
test of life. I believe in the American home as the corner-stone of liberty and free insti- 
tutions, and I have always believed that the American home was made best when the 
head of that home had plenty to do. I have always stood for a Government policy — not 
^ne that would prohibit goods from coming into the United States, but for a policy that 
would protect the products of American labor agaiust the products of the cheaper labor of 
the old world. I believe it is our duty to guard and defend the American workshop, and 
when we are doing that we are defending the American home. I stand to-day not only 

for a protective tariff but an honest dollar, a dollar based upon the best money of the 
world, recognized In every center of the world. We have had some experiences with 
short houri in the last four years, and we do not want to experiment with short dollars 


now. When I addressed you last, four years ago, in the old tent at Newburg, a committee 
waited upon me and wanted to know if I was in favor of eight hours for a day's work. 
They were discussing the wisdom and advisability of shorter hours for their own comfort 
and for their own advancement and interest. To them I said "yes" : I both voted and spoke 
for an eight hour law in the service of the United States. Since 1893 I haven't heard a word 
about shorter hours from the American workingmen. They are all too short, as my frienda 
tell us. What you want is steady employment. Whatever will bring you the first in the 
true Government policy, and when you have that, then youjvant to be paid in dollars worth 
one hundred cents, good not only under our flag, but good "in every civilized nation of the 


(To delegation of Maryland workingmen, at Canton, Oct. 14, 1896.) 
What we want to do in this country is to restore a policy that will encourage American 
development, American manufacturing, and give work to American workingmen. (Cheers.) 
This is the policy of the Republican Party, and it has been its uninterrupted policy since 
1881. Under this policy, as every workingman in my presence well knows, we enjoyed a 
higher prosperity than we ever enjoyed before or since. Now, having restored that policy, 
which can only be done by your votes, in connection with the votes of your fellow countrymen 
everywhere, let it be recorded by the same votes on the third day of November, that the 
people of this country are in favor of honest dollars with which to measure our„ exchanges, 
and not shifting dollars, to be ascertained by consulting the market reports published in the 
daily newspapers of the country. (Great applause.) When you have performed a good, 
honest day's work, you want to be paid in good, honest dollars. (Cheering, and cries of 
"That's right.") You want to be paid in staying dollars that are good, not only when you 
receive them, but good for all time (applause, and cries of "That's what we want") be- 
cause they rest upon unextinguishable and inherent value, recognized the world over. 
(To delegation from Western New York, October 15, 1896.) 
There is one thing the people of this country will not submit to — that the savings 
of the poor shall be squandered and wasted by a depreciation of the hard earned money 
which they have laid aside as the results of their thrift and economy. (Great applause 
and cries of "Good." "Good.") Can the people of Dunkirk, and Chatauqua county for one 
instant favor such a policy? (Loud cries of "No." "Never.") I am glad to know that 
you do not. Let me tell you what I think is a better, safer and more honorable policy. 
Let us restore the protective tariff system and pay as we go. (Enthusiastic cheering and 
cries of "Hurrah for McKinley.") Put your laboring people at work and restore business 
confidence from one end of the country to the other. (Great applause, and cries of "Thai's 
the stuff.") I am a protectionist (cries of "That's right, so are we") because I believe the 
protective system is best adapted to our conditions and citizenship. (Cries of "You are 
right.") It doesi everything that a revenue tariff does and vastly more. It supplies need- 
ed revenue. (Great applause.) A revenue tariff can do no more, and the present tariff has 
not done that much. (Great applause.) It accomplishes this end with equal, if not 
greater certainty than a revenue tariff, and while doing that it wisely discriminates in 
favor of American interests, and is ever mindful of the American people. (Cheers, and 
cries of "Right," "Right.") * * * Protection favors the United States (Great ap- 
plause and cries of "That's the stuff") and the flag of the United States. (Renewed ap- 
plause.) It favors the people of the United States (cheers) and is the true friend of 
every American girl and boy struggling upward. (Great applause.) It builds up; never 
"ears down. (Cries of "That's right.") It opens but never closes American workshops. 
That is what we want in this distressed country to-day. (Cries of "That's what we want.") 
This is what will diminish idleness, want any misery and stop deficient revenues. 


(To Kentucky Railway Sound Money Club, October 17, 1896.) 
Nothing gives me greater honor ; nothing brings to me higher distinction ; nothing in- 
creases my gratitude so much as to feel that I have the warm, earnest, sincere support of 
the men who toil: (Great applause and cries of "You will have ours.") Labor is at the 
foundation of all our wealth and prosperity. You might open every mint of the world 
and coin the silver of all creation, but it would not produce the prosperity that 
the labor of the United States would produce, had it an opportunity to work 
(Great cheering.) What we want in this country, my fellow citizens, is constant employ- 
ment. (Applause and cries of "That's correct" and "That's the stuff.") You get that 
when the country is prosperous. (Cries of "Correct," Correct.") We do not get it when 
the business of the country is depressed. (Cries of "No," "No.") What we want to do 
now, irrespective of party, is to adopt an industrial policy which will set every wheel in 
motion (applause) and light the fires in every factory of the land (renewed applause), and 
then the employes of every railroad will' have all they can haul and all the work they 
can do. 


(To Workingmen of Canton, O., Oct. 15, 1896.) 

My Fellow Citizens : I have witnessed in front of this porch many scenes which 
have touched my heart, but none which have more deeply moved me than this gathering 
of the workingmen of Canton. Fringed about this assemblage are the wives and the little 
ones whom you love so much and for whom you want an opportunity to labor. I bid you 
all warm, hearty and sincere welcome. I have known most of you almost a lifetime. One 
of the spokesmen,, the last one, was one of the earliest of my friends when I came to the 
city of Canton, and the other I have known for fifteen or sixteen years ; while in this audi- 
ence there are thousands of well-known and familiar faces to me. I greet you all as my 
friends. I have been with you in every undertaking to build up our splendid little city." 
to bring enterprise, thrift and employment to our people, and in all the years of the past 
there has not been a moment that I have not felt, whether I had their support or not. that 
I had the respect and confidence of the workingmen of Canton. * * * In 1892 free 
trade as against protection was the paramount issue of the campaign and free trade 


triumphed before the great tribunal of the American people. This year we bring the ques- 
tion to you again. We ask you to review it, and to express your reconsidered, better and 
more matured judgment upon tbat issue, after three years of dreadful experience. * * * 
I bid you, workingmen of Canton, use your ballots as your intellects and consciences shall 
direct, moved by the highest and most honorable considerations which can influence the 
voter — that of the welfare of the people, and the honor and good name of the government 
which we love. Use the ballot as will best subserve your own interests and those of your 
family, whose welfare and happiness you have in your sacred keeping. 1 thank you from 
the bottom of my heart for this call. It is a pleasure I shall never forget. It is an honor 
I shall always cherish, and I can not find words to tell you how this great assemblage of 
my own fellow citizens, coming from every shop and factory of the town, has given me 
courage and inspiration. I wish for you all the best in this life. I wish for your homes 
love, happiness and contentment, and for our common country the greatest glory and 
highest prosperity. 

(To delegations of Maryland Workmen, Oct. 17, 189(5.) 
It is an unusual honor to any candidate, or cause, to have three thousand wage-earners 
travel a thousand miles to testify to him their devotion and loyalty, and I appreciate more 
than I can find words to express the presence here, in Canton, of the potters and wage- 
earners of the Mt. Vernon mills, the wage earners of the transportation companies, tne 
sound money clubs and the employes of tne iron works and shipyards, who have gathered 
about my home this evening. * * * Nothing in all this campaign has given me so 
much pleasure and satisfaction as the knowledge that the wage earners of the country are 
for the most part enlisted in the cause for which we stand. (Prolonged cheering.) I 
Know something of the workingmen of the United States. I know sometfiing of the potters. 
Great applause from the potters.) I know something of the wage earners in the great 
otton and woolen mills, and that all they want is an opportunity to work ; and to do tnis 
aH they ask is protection from the products of other lands made by underpaid labor. 
Tremendous applause.) * * * The tariff question is a question wholly of labor. \\ e 
will manufacture with the world, if the rest of the world will pay as good wages as were 
paid in the United States. But as long as they do not, patriotism, genuine Americanism, 
md every industrial interest, demands that we should make our tariff nigh enough to meas- 
ure the difference between the low cost of labor in foreign countries and the cost of labor 
'n this. (Cheers.) Then, you are interested in honest money. You don't want any short 
dollars. (Cries of '"No," •'No," and applause.) You have tried short hours in the last 
^our years and haven't liked them. (.Laughter and applause and cries of *'you bet we 
don't.") When you give a full day's work to your employer, you want to be paid in full 
unquestioned and unalterable dollars. (Great applause.) 

(From Inaugural Address, March 4, 1897.) 
The depression of the past four years has fallen with especial severity upon the great 
body of toilers^pf the country, and upon none more than the holders of small farms. Agri- 
ulture has languished and labor suffered. The revival of manufacturing will be a relief 
o both. No portion of our population is more devoted to the institutions of free govern- 
ment, nor more loyal in their support, while none bears more cheerfully or fully its proper 
hare in the mainrenance of the government, or is better entitled to its wise and liberal care 
nd protection. Legislation helpful to producers is beneficial to all. The depressed condi- 
ion of industry on the farm and in the mine and ' factory has lessened the ability of the 
people to meet the demands upon them : and they rightfully expect that not only a system 
of revenue shall be established -that will secure the largest income with the least burden, 
but that every means will be taken to decrease, rather than increase, our public expen- 

(To Manufacturers' Club, Philadelphia, June 2, 1897.) 
* * * Philadelphians have in the past shown what busy industries and well-em- 
Jloyed labor can do to make a great city and a contented population. (Applause.) They 
to not mean to accept present "conditions as permanent and final. (Cheers.) They whl 
neet embarrassments as they have bravely met them in the past, and in the end will re- 
tore industries ana labor to their former condition and prosperity. (Great cheering.) 
And, gentlemen, Philadelphia is but a type of American pluck and purpose everywhere. 
(.Great and prolonged applause.) 

(At Joiiet, Illinois, October 7, 1899.) 
I am glad to know that every one of the fires of all the furnaces and factories and 
shops in the city of Joiiet has been lighted, and that employment waits upon labor in every 
lepartment of human industry here. The nation is doing a vast business not only at home 
ut abroad. For the first time in our history we send more American manufactured 
roducts abroad, made by American workingmen, than we buy abroad. (Applause.) 


(To the Chicago Bricklayers' and Stonemasons' Union, Chicago, Oct. 10, 1899.) 

Mr. Chairman and Gextlemex : It gives me great pleasure to meet with the work- 
ngmen of the city of Chicago. Of the many receptions that have been tendered me during 
ny three days' stay in your city, none has given me more pleasure or greater satisfaction 
thai rhe welcome accorded to me in this hall and the kind words spoken in my behalf by 
rou. -resident. (Cheers.) I have come not to make an address to you, but rather to give 
evid^ace, by my presence, of the great interest I feel in the cause of labor, and to con- 
gratulate you and your fellow-workmen everywhere upon the improved condition of the 
country and upon our general prosperity. (Applause.) When labor is employed at fair 
vages, homes are made happy. The labor of the United States is better employed, better 
paid, and commands greater respect than that of any other nation in the world. (Ap- 

clause.) What I would leave with you here to-night, in the moment I shall occupy, !■ the 

thought that you should improve all the advantages and opportunities of this free govern- 
ment. Your families, your boys and girls, are very close to your heart-strings, and you 
ought to avail yourselves the opportunity offered your children by the excellent schools 
of the city of Chicago. Give your children the best education obtainable, and that is the 
best equipment you can give any American. Integrity wins its way everywhere, and what 
I do not want the workingmen of this country to do is to establish hostile camps and divide 
the people of the United States into classes. I do not want any wall built aganist the am- 
bitions of your boy, nor any barrier put in the way of his occupying the highest places is 
the gift of the people. 

(At Vincennes, Ind., October 11, 1899.) 
My Fellow Citizens : We ought to be a very happy people. We are a very happy 
people. The blessings which have been showered upon us have been almost boundless, and 
no nation in the world has more to be thankful for than ours. We have been blessed with 
good crops at fair prices. Wages and employment have waited upon labor, and, differing 
from what it was a few years ago labor is not waiting on the outside for wages. Our 
financial condition was never better than now. We have good money and plenty of it 
circulating as our medium of exchange. National banks may fail, fluctuation in prices 
come and go, but the money of the country remains always good ; and when you have a 
dollar of it, you know that dollar is worth one hundred cents. Not only have we prosperity, 
but we have patriotism ; and what more do we want ? 

(At Iron Foundries, Milwaukee, Wis., Oct. 17, 1899.) 
My Fellow Citizens : As I have been journeying through the country, 1 have been 
welcomed' with a warm cordiality by my fellow citizens, but at no place have I had a re- 
ception that has given me more genuine pleasure, more real satisfaction, than the greetings 
of the workingmen of this great establishment and the other great establishments of~thig 
city about the buildings in which they toil. (Great applause.) I congratulate you all 
upon the prosperity of the country. The employer is looking for the laborer and not the 
laborer for the employer, and I am glad to note, from one end of the country to the other, 
a universal demand for labor. 

(At Racine, Wis., Oct. 17, 1899.) 
I am glad to stand in this city of diversified industries and busy toilers and look Into 

the faces of the people who have made your city what it is. This is a nation of high 
privilege and great opportunity. We have the free school, the open Bible, freedom of re- 
ligious worship and conviction. We have the broadest opportunity for advancement, with 
every door open. The humblest among you may aspire to the highest place in public favoi 
and confidence. As a result of our free institutions the great body of the men who control 
public affairs in state and nation, who control the great business enterprises of the country, 
the railroads and other industries, came from the humble American home and from the 
ranks of the pjain people of the United States. (Applause.) 1 have no sympathy witi 
that sentiment which would divide my countrymen into classes. I have no sympathy wltL 
that sentiment which would put the rich man on one side - and the poor man on the othei 

(applause), because all of them are equal before the law, all of them have equal powei 
in the conduct of the government. 


(From Letter of Acceptance, Sept. 8, 1900.) 
The best service which can be rendered to labor is to afford it an opportunity for steadj 
and remunerative employment, and give it every encouragement for advancement. The 
policy that subserves this end is the true American policy. The past three years have 
been more satisfactory to American workingmen than many preceding years. Any change 
of the present industrial or financial policy of the government would be disastrous to theii 
highest interests. With prosperity at home and an increasing foreign market for American 
products, employment should continue to wait upon labor, and with the present gold stand 
ard the workingman is secured against payments for his labor in a depreciated currency. 
For labor, a short day is better than a short dollar ; one will lighten the burdens, the othei 
lessens the rewards of toil. The one will promote contentment and independence, the othei 
penury and want. The wages of labor should be adequate to keep the home in comfort, 
educate the children and, with thrift and economy, lay something by for the days of in- 
firmity and old age. 






APRIL 7, 1900. 


Hon. WILLIAM H. TAFT, of Ohio. Hon. LUKE I. WRIGHT, of Tennessee 

Prof. DEAN C. WORCESTER, of Michigan, Hon. HENRY C. IDE, of Vermont. 
Peop. BERNARD MOSES, of California. 




Was Department, 


April 7, 1900. 

Sir: I transmit to you herewith the instructions of the President for 
the guidance of yourself and your associates as Commissioners to the Phil- 
ippine Islands. 

Very respectfully, 

Elihu Koot, 

Sterrtary df War, 

Hon. William H. Taft, 

President Board of Commissioners 
to the Philippine Islands. 

Executive Mansion, April 7, 1900. 
The Secretary of War, 


Sir: In the message transmited to Congress on the 5th of December, 
1899, I said, speaking of the Philippine Islands: "As long as the insur- 
rection continues the military arm must necessarily be supreme. But there 
is no reason why steps should not be taken from time to time to inaugurate 
governments essentially popular in their form as fast as territory is held 
and controlled by our troops. To this end I am considering the advisa- 
bility of the return of the commission, or such of the members thereof as 
can be secured, to aid the existing authorities and facilitate this work 
throughout the islands. 

To give effect to the intention thus expressed I have appointed Hon. 
William H. Taft, of Ohio; Prof. Dean C. Worcester, of Michigan; Hon. 
Luke I. Wright, of Tennessee; Hon. Henry C. Ide, of Vermont, and Prof. 
Bernard Moses, of California, commissioners to the Philippine Islands t» 
continue and perfect the work of organizing and establishing civil govern- 
ment already commenced by the military authorities, subject in all respects 
to any laws which Congress may hereafter enact. 

The commissioners named will meet and act as a board, and the Hon. 
William H. Taft is designated as president of the board. It is probable 
that the transfer of authority from military commanders to civil officers 
will be gradual and will occupy a considerable period. Its successful ac- 
complishment and the maintenance of peace and order in the meantime will 
require the most perfect co-operation between the civil and military au- 
thorities in the island, and both should be directed during the transition 
period by the same Executive Department. The commission will therefore 
report to the Secretary of War, and all their action will be subject to your 
approval and control. 

You will instruct the commission to proceed to the city of Manila, where 
they will make their principal office, and to communicate with the military 
governor of the Philippine Islands, whom you will at the same time direct 
to render to them every assistance within his power in the performance of 
their duties. Without hampering them by too specific instructions, thej 
should in general be enjoined, after making themselves familiar with the 
conditions and needs of the country, to devote their attention in the first 
instance to the establishment of municipal governments, in which the na- 
tives of the islands, both in the cities and in the rural communities, shall 

be afforded the opportunity to manage their own local affairs to the fullest 
extent of which they are capable, and subject to the least degree of super- 
vision and control which a careful study of their capacities and observa- 
tion of the workings of native control show to be consistent with the main- 
tenace of law, order, and loyalty. 

The next subject in order of importance should be the organization of 
government in the larger administrative divisions corresponding to coun- 
ties, departments, or provinces, in which the common interests of many or 
several municipalities falling within the same tribal lines, or the same 
natural geographical limits, may best be subserved by a common admin- 
istration.- Whenever the commission is of the opinion that the condition 
of affairs in the islands is such that the central administration may safely 
be transferred from military to qivil control, they will report that conclu- 
sion to you, with their recommendations as to the form of central govern- 
ment to be established for the purpose of taking over the control. 

Beginning with the 1st day of September, 1900, the authority to exer- 
cise, subject to my approval, through the Secretary of War, that part of the 
power of government in the Philippine Islands which is of a legislative na- 
ture is to be transferred from the military governor of the islands to this 
commission, to be thereafter exercised by them in the place and stead of 
the military governor, under such rules and regulations as you shall pre- 
scribe, until the establishment of the civil central government for the 
islands contemplated in the last foregoing paragraph, or until Congress 
shall otherwise provide. Exercise of this legislative authority will include 
the making of rules and orders, having the effect of law, for the raising of 
revenue by taxes, customs duties, and imposts; the appropriation and ex- 
penditure of public funds of the islands; the establishment of an 
educational system throughout the islands ; the establishment of a system to 
secure an efficient civil service; the organization and establishment of 
courts; the organization and establishment of municipal and departmental 
governments, and all other matters of a civil nature for which the military 
governor is now competent to provide by rules or orders of a legislative 

The commission will also have power during the same period to ap- 
point to office such officers under the judicial, educational, and civil-service 
systems and in the municipal and departmental governments as shall be 
provided for. Until the complete transfer of control the military governor 
will remain the chief executive head of the government of the islands, and 
will exercise the executive authority now possessed by him and not herein 
expressly assigned to the commission, subject, however, to the rules and 
orders enacted by the commission in the exercise of the legislative powers 
conferred upon them. In the meantime the municipal and departmental 
governments will continue to report to the military governor and be sub- 
ject to his administrative supervision and control, under your direction, 
but that supervision and control will be confined within the narrowest 
limits consistent with the requirement that the powers of government in 
the municipalities and departments shall be honestly and effectively exer- 
cised and that law and order and individual freedom shall be maintained. 

All legislative rules and orders, establishments of government, and ap- 
pointments to office by the commission will take effect immediately, or at 
such timt an th«y shall designate, subject to your approval and action upon 

the coming in of the commission's reports, which are to be made from 
time to time as their action is taken. Wherever civil governments are con- 
stituted under the direction of the commission, such military posts, gar- 
risons, and forces will be continued for the suppression of insurrection and 
brigandage, and the maintenance of law and order, as the military com- 
mander shall deem requisite, and the military forces shall be at all times 
subject under his orders to the call of the civil authorities for the main- 
tenance of law and order and the enforcement of their authority. 

In the establishment of municipal governments the commission will take 
as the basis of their work the governments established by the military 
governor under his order of August 8, 1899, and under the report of the 
board constituted by the military governor by his order of January 29, 
1900, to formulate and report a plan of municipal government, of which his 
honor Cayetano Arellano, president of the audiencia, was chairman, and 
they will give to the conclusions of that board the weight and consideration 
which the high character and distinguished abilities of its members justify. 

In the constitution of departmental or provincial governments, they will 
give especial attention to the existing government of the island of Negros, 
constituted, with the approval of the people of that island, under the order 
of the military governor of July 22, 1899, and after verifying, so far as 
may be practicable, the reports of the successful working of that govern- 
ment, they will be guided by the experience thus acquired, so far as it may 
be applicable to the condition existing in other portions of the Philippines. 
They will avail themselves, to the fullest degree practicable, of the conclu- 
sions reached by the previous commission to the Philippines. 

In the distribution of powers among the governments organized by the 
commission, the presumption is always to be in favor of the smaller sub- 
division, so that all the powers which can properly be exercised by the 
municipal government shall be vested in that government, and all the pow- 
ers of a more general character which can be exercised by the departmental 
government shall be vested in that government, and so that in the govern- 
mental system, which is the result of the process, the central government of 
the islands, following the example of the distribution of the powers be- 
tween the States and the National Government of the United States, shall 
have no direct administration except of matters of purely general concern, 
and shall have only such supervision and control over local governments 
as may be necessary to secure and enforce faithful and efficient administra- 
tion by local officers. 

The many different degrees of civilization and varieties of custom and 
capacity among the people of the different islands preclude very definite 
instruction as to the part which the people shall take in the selection of 
their own officers; but these general rules are to be observed: That in all 
cases the municipal officers, who administer the local affairs of the people, 
are to be selected by the people, and that wherever officers of more extended 
■jurisdiction are to be selected in any way, natives of the islands are to be 
preferred, and if they can be found competent and willing to perform the 
duties, they are to receive the offices in preference to any others. 

It will be necessary to fill some offices for the present with Americans 
which after a time may well be filled by natives of the islands. As soon 
as practicable a system for ascertaining the merit and fitness of candidates 
for civil office should be put in forc^. An indispensable qualification for 

all offices and positions of trust and authority in the islands must be ab- 
solute and unconditional loyalty to the United States, and absolute and un- 
hampered authority and power to remove and punish any officer deviating 
from that standard must at all times be retained in the hands of the cen- 
tral authority of the islands. 

In all the forms of government and administrative provisions which they 
are authorized to prescribe, the commission should bear in mind that the 
government which they are establishing is designed not for our satisfaction, 
or for the expression of our theoretical views, but for the happiness, peace, 
and prosperity of the people of the Philippine Islands, and the measures 
adopted should be made to conform to their customs, their habits, and even 
their prejudices, to the fullest extent consistent with the accomplishment 
of the indispensable requisites of just and effective government. 

At the same time the commission should bear in mind, and the peo- 
ple of the islands should be made plainly to understand, that there are 
certain great principles of government which have been made the basis of 
our governmental system which we deem essential to the rule of law and 
the maintenance of individual freedom, and of which they have, unfortu- 
nately, been denied the experience possessed by us; that there are also cer- 
tain practical rules of government which we have found to be essential to 
the preservation of these great principles of liberty and law, and that these 
principles and these rules of government must be established and main- 
tained in their islands for the sake of their liberty and happiness, however 
much they may conflict with the customs or laws of procedure with which 
they are familiar. 

It is evident that the most enlightened thought of the Philippine Islands 
fully appreciates the importance of these principles and rules, and they will 
inevitably within a short time command universal assent. Upon every 
division and branch of the government of the Philippines, therefore, must 
be imposed these inviolable rules: 

That no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property without 
due process of law; that private property shall not be taken for public use 
without just compensation; that in all criminal prosecutions the accused 
shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, to be informed of the 
nature and cause of the accusation, to be confronted with the witnesses 
against him, to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, 
and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense; that excessive bail 
shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual 
punishment inflicted; that no person shall be put twice in jeopardy for 
the same offense, or be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against 
himself; that the right to be secure against unreasonable searches and 
seizure shall not be violated ; that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude 
shall exist except as a punishment for crime; that no bill of attainder, or 
ex-post facto law shall be passed ; that no law shall be passed abridging the 
freedom of speech or of the press, or the rights of the people to peaceably 
assemble and petition the Government for a redress of grievances; that no 
law shall be made respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting 
the free exercise thereof, and that the free exercise and enjoyment of relig- 
ious profession and worship without discrimination or preference shall for- 
ever be allowed. 

It will be the duty of the commission to make a thorough investigation 
into the titles to the large tracts of land held or claimed by individuals 
or by religious orders; into the justice of their claims and complaints made 
against such landholders by the people 01 the island or any part of the peo- 
ple, and to seek by wise and peaceable measures a just settlement of the 
controversies and redress of wrongs which have caused strife and blood- 
shed in the past. In the performance of this duty the commission is en- 
joined to see that no injustice is done; to have regard for substantial rights 
and equity, disregarding technicalities so far as substantial right permits, 
and to observe the following rules: 

That the provision of the Treaty of Paris, pledging the United States to 
the protection of all rights of property in the islands, and as well the 
principle of our own Government which prohibits the taking of private 
property without due process of law, shall not be violated; that the wel- 
fare of the people of the islands, which should be a paramount consideration, 
shall be attained consistently with this rule of property right; that if it 
becomes necessary for the public interest of the people of the islands to 
dispose of claims to property which the commission finds to be not lawfully 
acquired and held disposition shall be made thereof by due legal procedure, 
in which there shall be full opportunity for fair and impartial hearing and 
judgment; that if the same public interests require the extinguishment of 
property rights lawfully acquired and held due compensation shall be made 
out of the public treasury therefor ; tnat no form of religion and no minister 
of religion shall be forced upon any community or upon any citizen of the 
islands; that upon the other hand no minister of religion shall be inter- 
fered with or molested in following his calling, and that the separation be- 
tween state and church shall be real, entire, and absolute. 

It will be the duty of the commission to promote and extend, and, as 
they find occasion, to improve, the system of education already inaugurated 
by the military authorities. In doing this they should regard as of first 
importance the extension of a system of primary education which shall be 
free to all, and which shall tend to fit the people for the duties of citizenship 
and for the ordinary avocations of a civilized community. This instruction 
should be given in the first instance in every part of the islands in the lan- 
guage of the people. In view of the great number of languages spoken by 
the different tribes, it is especially important to the prosperity of the islands 
that a common medium of communication may be established, and it is 
obviously desirable that this medium should be the English language. Es- 
pecial attention should be at once given to affording full opportunity to all 
the people of the islands to acquire the use of the English language. 

It may be well that the main changes which should be made in the sys- 
tem of taxation and in the body of the laws under which the people are 
governed, except such changes as have already been made by the military 
government, should be relegated to the civil government which is to be 
established under the auspices of the commission. It will, however, be the 
duty of the commission to inquire diLgentJy as to whether there are any 
further changes which ought not to be delayed; and if so, they are author- 
ized to make such changes, subject to your approval. In doing so they are 
to bear in mind that taxes which tend to penalize or repress industry and 
enterprise are to be avoided; that provisions for taxation should be simple, 
so that they may be understood by the people; that they should affeot the 

fewest practicable subjects of taxation which will serve for the general dis- 
tribution of the burden. 

The main body of the laws which regulate the rights and obligations of 
the people should be maintained with as little interference as possible. 
Changes made should be mainly in procedure, and in the criminal laws to 
secure speedy and impartial trials, and at the same time effective admin- 
istration and respect for individual rights. 

In dealing with the uncivilized tribes of the islands the commission 
should adopt the same course followed by Congress in permitting the 
tribes of our North American Indians to maintain their tribal organization 
and government, and under which many of those tribes are now living in 
peace and contentment, surrounded by a civilization to which they ar<* un- 
able or unwilling to conform. Such tribal governments should, however, 
be subjected to wise and firm regulation ;' and, without undue or petty in- 
terference, constant and active effort should be exercised to prevent bar- 
barous practices and introduce civilized customs. 

Upon all officers and employes of the United States, both civil and mili- 
tary, should be impressed a sense of the duty to observe not merely the 
material but the personal and social rights of the people of the islands, 
and to treat them with the same courtesy and respect for their personal 
dignity which the people of the United States are accustomed to require 
from each other. 

The articles of capitulation of the city of Manila on the 13th of August, 
1898, concluded with these words: 

"This city, its inhabitants, its churches and religious worship, its edu- 
cational establishments, and its private property of all descriptions, are 
placed under the special safeguard of the faith and honor of the American 

I believe that this pledge has been faithfully kept. As high and sacred 
an obligation rests upon the Government «rf the United States to give pro- 
tection for property and life, civil and religious freedom, and wise, firm, 
and unselfish guidance in the paths of peace and prosperity to all the peo- 
ple of the Philippine Islands. I charge this commission to labor for the 
full performance of this obligation, which concerns the honor and conscience 
of their country, in the firm hope that through their labors all the inhabit- 
ants of the Philippine Islands may come to look back with gratitude to the 
day when God gave victory to American arms at Manila and set their land 
under the sovereignty and the protection of the people of the United 
States. William MoKinley. 

I " Circulation Books Open to All." | 

Circulation Books Open to All,"] 


Proposed Purchase of the Presidency 


By the Silver Trust. 

Documentary and Statistical History of the Attempt to Sell and Buy the 
Presidency, Made in 1896. 

A Circular Issued on Behalf of the Silver Trust Offering Thirty-five Millions 
of Dollars a Year, all Clean Profit— Perfect Velvet. 

Clear Gain on Silver, if Bryan Should Be Elected, About Three riillion Dollars 

A Month. 

This According to Bryan's Speeches and the Statistics of Silver Production, 
and the Prices in the Markets. 

The Silver Trust is Substantially a British Organization. 

The Stock of Silver Hining Corporations Operating Profitable nines in This 
Country, Chiefly Owned in London. 

Floods of Money from This British Trust for Bryan in a Silver Speculation. 


For the Presidency of the United States. 

The Subscriptions to Be Paid in British Gold out of American Labor. 

The Scheme of Four Years Ago Reorganized and Made More Ambitious. 

Mr. W. J. Bryan, in the course of four years' public speaking, in favor of the 
Belittlement of his country, the destruction of the credit of the Government, and the 
Honor of the People, appeals to Repudiation, Active and Retroactive — stirring with 
demagogy of the grossest nature, the elements of disorder, whose instigation and or- 
ganization have been the overthrow of republics — Mr. Bryan, who has lent his powers 
of public persuasion to the encouragement of the enemies of the republic, anarchists 
m± home, and assassins serving impostors abroad, and is aiding, comforting and bus- 

taining those who have taken up arms against us, upon the false pretenses ei 
traitors to the people we have liberated, and conspirators against the United States, 
for the reason that we have maintained the principles of the Fathers of the Repmblio, 
when walking in their footsteps; asserting and expanding the greatness of our coun- 
try — after doing all this evil work, Mr. Bryan, exercising his own will in the midst 
of weaklings and standing on supreme selfishness and vanity, among the selfish and 
the vain, has been accepted by the unprincipled, the unpatriotic and the unscrupu- 
lous, as the leader of those who find fault with prosperity, and ill-fame in glory, and 
go with him in the constructions of the Constitution of the United States that elimi- 
nate American Nationality and disregard "the faith and honor of the army of the 
United States," pledged as it was — written, sealed and subscribed, in the capitulation 
of Manila. He has forced upon his party, in spite of the lessons of our history, never 
10 luminous as in the years since 1896, the dogma of the free coinage of silver at the 
ratio with gold, at the mint, of 16 to 1, when the market ratio is 33 to 1, and this 
he has done while making outcries against "trusts," and he has done it for the great- 
est and most sordid and scandalous Tbust ever organized in the world. We refer to 
the British Silver Trust. Investigations on the spot, by Mr. Edward Atkinson, who 
is competent for that statistical and monetary and financial work, though the leading 
Filipino Democrat in Massachusetts, prove that the majority of the stock in our 
profitable silver mines is owned by the capitalists of London. The trust of silver 
mine owners and operators is solidly organized. It attempted four years ago to 
buy the Presidency of the United States for William J. Bryan, and he is in the 
field now to give the British brethren another chance to purchase the great office for 
Mr. William J. Bryan. It is the same trust and the same man. 

The Bryan campaign, "The Second Battle" campaign which is now open, was 
organized simply to procure money from the Silver Trust for the uses and abuses of 
the Democratic party, Bryanized. It is a policy of selling the Presidency of the 
United States for cash, to be paid by the controlling the American silver mine stock- 
holders who live in London. What they are asked to do is precisely to pay the 
assessments of the silver politicians of the United States in order to have the value 
of the product of their mines doubled in the market. That is according to the 
orations of the candidate. Mr. Bryan appropriately sets forth in this connection, 
and insists with peremptory imperialism upon his old folly, that because we have as 
good money as England, and better credit than she has under the gold standard, 
which she has also, we are subordinate to her because she had that standard before 
we elevated ours, and with it our credit. The combination of the gold standard and 
the highest credit in the world being coincident and identical with the unparalled 
prosperity of the people of the United States, there couldn't be any plainer proposi- 
tion than this Silver Trust Scheme. It seems like a tremendous fairy story, but the 
silver trust is equal to all the proportions of the plans. In the hurly-burly of four 
years ago, the proof of the proposed and organized purchase of the Presidency of the 
United States did not receive the attention so threatening, momentous and porten- 
tious a matter deserved. We proceed to offer documentary matter that appeared in 
this country October the 1st, 2nd and 3rd, 1896, and was not carefully and search- 
ingly considered and weighed and measured on either side of the Atlantic or of the 
political world in this country, because the papers in the case were laid late in the 
season before our countrymen in the columns of a protesting Democratic newspaper, 
the newspaper to which we refer being the New York World. We give the papers 
in the order in which the World presented them. 


(Editorial in the New York World, October 1st, 1896.) 

The silver mines of this country produced in 1893, 27,600,000 ounces of fine 
silver. The copper and lead mines produced as a by-product — all profit — 32,300,000 
ounces of fine silver. About this proportion is maintained year by year. All of this 
silver is produced at a profit. Most of it is all profit. 

One mine, the Ontario, has paid 197 successive monthly dividends amount- 
ing to $13,190,000, or $823,125 a year. Other mines have paid dividends m like 


These silver-ring people plead poverty. They have reduced miners' wages from 
$3.50 per day to $3 and in most eases to $2.50 per day, while declaring dividends by 
scores of millions. Yet they ask the wobkingmen of the countby to help them 


Silveb-Mine Plutocrat:— "Let me make the money of the nation, and I care not who makes 
the laws. 


For this is precisely what their present free-coinage demand amounts to. These 


multi-millionaire monopolists have already forced the Government to pay them 
$464,000,000 for silver bullion now worth in the market only $318,000,000— in 
other words, to pay them a bonus of $146,000,000 on a business already enormously 
profitable. Every dollar of this exaction has been taken out of the earnings of the 
people, for every dollar of it has been paid out of the proceeds of taxation. 

They now ask that the Government shall take all their product — 60,000,000 
ounces a year — at $1.29 an ounce when it is worth only about 66 cents an ounce. 
That is to say, they ask the workingmen of America to give them, out of hard-earned 
wages, a bonus of about $38,000,000 a year for continuing their already enormously 
profitable business. 

This is the programme of the Silver Trust, composed as it is of men most of 
whom are already rich beyond the dreams of avarice. They have cut down the 
wages of theib own workmen to the smallest limit, while paying enor- 
mous dividends, and now they ask all other wage-earners of the country to 
contribute enough out of their earnings to give them — the multi-millionaires 
—thirty-five or forty millions more each year without any return whatever. 

These are the cold, official, statistical facts of the situation. 

Why should any wage-earner vote for such a proposal? Why should any work- 
ingman vote to compel himself to contribute to the already fat fortunes of men who 
grind the faces of the poor and oppress labor to the point of degradation in their 
own enormously profitable mines ? 


The Secretary of the Silver States Bimetallic League Officially States Its 
Object and Its Prospective Profits — An Assessment Equal to One Month's 
Profits Called fob from Silver Mine Owners to Elect the Silveb Ticket. 

Thomas S. Merrill, Secretary of the Bimetallic League of the Silver States, has 
let the cat out of the bag as to the conspiracy of the silver mine owners to unload 
their bullion on the United States Government in a letter he sent to the Salt Lake 
Herald. Mr. Merrill says in his letter: 

"If Bryan is defeated we must expect to see silver sold at a price that will be 
given it simply by its demand for use in the arts, which will certainly be not more 
than 40 cents an ounce. In view of these facts, the owners of silver-producing prop- 
erties can afford to contribute at least the additional profits they receive from their 
own silver product for one month to the Bryanite campaign." He closes with a 
direct appeal to well-known silver mine owners as follows : 

"I appeal to Messrs. Mclntyre and Cunningham, of the Mammoth; Keith and 
Kearns, of the Silver King; Chisholm and others, of the Centennial and Eureka; 
Ryan and Knox, of the Ajax; Packard, of the Eureka Hill; Daly, of the Daly; 
West, Beck and associates, of the Bullion-Beck; Farnsworth & Sharp, of the Horn 
Silver, and the owners of the Sioux, Ontario (W. K. Hearst, Vice-President), and 
other silver mines of this State, who can well afford to assist in this cause, to figure 
up the average monthly silver product from their mines and multiply the product of 
one month in ounces by 64 cents, which is the additional price they will receive for 
their product — all of which will be profit — and at once have that amount contributed 
and placed in the hands of the treasurer of the bimetallic parties to assist Mr. Bryan 
in the wonderful campaign he is making almost unaided. If we can secure the ad- 
ditional profits of one month's product of the Western silver-producing mikes it will 
insure success at the election on November 3." 

This circular of the Secretary of the Bimetallic League of the silver States 
declares officially, and with the utmost simplicity, the objects of the Silver Trust. 
Secretary Merrill declares that free coinage of silver means an addition of 
64 cents an ounce — "alt, of which will be clear profit" to the Silver Trust 
—on every ounce of silver mined! 

The production of silver last year in the United States was 55,727,000 fine 
ounces. Under free coinage the additional profit to the mine owners would have 
been $35,755,280. The Government of the United States, the people, not even the 
miners who dug the silver out of the mines, would have received one penny of this 
additional profit. It would have been pure velvet to the mine owners I 

The Utah mine owneri organized last Friday night and formed themselves into 
a strong alliance for mutual profit. A call had been issued September 28, and last 
Tuesday night a liberal representation of the leading business men of Salt Lake City 
responded, and several of the silver mine owners to whom Mr. Merrill had appealed 
were present. 

The meeting created what will be known as the Bryan Campaign Financial 
Committee, which will be a general committee to have charge of collecting funds 
in Utah to assist the silver campaign. The committee is composed of thirty-three 
members, including those mine owners whom Mr. Merrill directly addressed — 
Messrs. Daly, Packard, Beck, Knox, Mclntyre, Kearns, Farnsworth, Cunningham,. 
Chisholm and Merrill himself. This committee organized at once, with R. C. Cham- 
bers, president of the Salt Lake Herald Company, a prominent free silver organ, as 
chairman. Mr. Chambers, Mr. Hearst and Mr. Tevis are the principal owners of the 
Ontario and the Daly Silver Mines, which togethee have already paid over $16,- 



(From the New York World, Friday, October 2d, 1896.) 

Utah Committee Asks for a $500,000 Election Fund Quick. — The Official Cir- 
cular. — Exposure of the Conspiracy of the Mine-Owners Causes Much 
Anger. — Full Names of New Committee. — They Try to Belittle the Ex- 
posure, but Its Official Character and Its Purpose Not Denied. — Colossal 
Gain if it Can be Got. — The Mine-Owners' Letter, Intended to be Private, 
Admits that Every Penny of Profit Under Free-Coinage Would Go to 

(Special to The World.) 

Salt Lake City, Utah, October 1. — Telegraphic inquiries have been pouring into 
Salt Lake City all day asking if it could possibly be true that the official secretary of 
the Silver States Bimetallic League had actually revealed the real game of the Silver 
Trust and the enormous profits which it is sure to reap if the free-silver ticket is 

The publication in The World to-day of Secretary Thomas G. Merrill's circular 
seemed to have set all the Eastern States aflame. Its publication seems to have been 
a revelation to the East. Many persons apparently refused to believe that the mem- 
bers of the Silver Trust could brazenly admit that the triumph of free silver meant 
a clear profit to them as individuals of sixty-four cents an ounce upon the sixty mil- 
lion ounces of silver mined annually. 

The language of Secretary Merrill's circular, taken from The World, was 
telegraphed back here from New York, Philadelphia, Washington and other 
places, with inquiries whether secretary merrill really represented the big 
silver interests. 

The Circular True and Official. 

There is no doubt whatever either of the authenticity of the circular, its official 
character or the statements which it makes. It was not intended originally for pub- 
lication, but was written to be mailed to about two hundred prominent silver-mine 
owners, who were expected to contribute $500,000 in a hurry. But the arguments in 
the letter were so familiar, and of such pressing importance to the silver-ruled States, 
that the managing editor of the salt lake herald, which is owned by mr. 
Chambers, who is himself one of the silver kings, printed the circular in his 
paper. The most striking passage in the letter is here repeated verbatim: 

"The election of Mr. Bryan at this time means the immediate restoration of sil- 
ver to its full legal-tender money. In view of this fact, cannot the owners of such 
silver-producing properties as the Ontario, the Silver King, the Daly, the Daly West, 
the Mammoth, the Centennial Eureka, the Bullion-Beck, the Eureka Hill, the Ajax 
and others well afford, or, rather can they afford not to contribute at least the ad- 


ditional profit they would receive for their own silver product for one month to tht 
educational work of the present campaign? 

"I appeal to Messrs. Mclntyre and Cunningham, of the Mammoth; Keith and 
Kearns, of the Silver King; Chisholm and others, of the Centennial Eureka; Ryan 
and Knox, of the Ajax; Packard, of the Eureka Hill; Daly, of the Daly West; Beck 
and associates, of the Bullion Beck; Furnsworth and Sharp, of the Horn Silver, and 
the owners of the Sioux, Ontario, Daly and other silver mines of this State who can 
well afford to assist in this cause, to figure up the average monthly silver product 
from their mines and multiply the product of one month in ounces by 64 cents, which 


is the additional price they will receive for their product, all of which will be profit, 
and at once have the amount contributed and placed in the hands of the treasurer of 
the bimetallic forces to assist Mr. Bryan in the wonderful campaign he is making 
almost unaided." 

Money Will Makb Victoey Subb. 
"If we can secuee the additional peofits of one month's pboduct of the 
westebn silver-producing mines it will insure success in the election on no- 
VEMBER 3. If we cannot get this, and for want of it fail in this election, I believe 


* They have regretted it. THOMAS G. MERRILL." 

The Ontario and the Daly Silver Mines, which are put at the head of the above 
list, are both owned by men made rich by the Government's purchases of silver. Mr. 
Chambers is president of both mines. W. R. Hearst, who conducts the only organ 
shouting for free silver in New York City and San Francisco, is the vice-president. 
These two mines have alone paid over $16,000,000 in dividends. 

$480,000 a Month Clear Profit. 

The total output of silver from the mines named in this Silver King's circular, 
figured on the most conservative estimates, are not less than 750,000 ounces per 
month. At 64 cents an ounce "clear profit" which, the circular says, the election 
of the free-silver ticket means to these mine-owners, their increased dividends would 
be $480,000 per month. 

Millions in it. 

If these mines have been able to pay $16,000,000 in dividends within a few 
years under limited silver coinage it would be difficult to estimate how much they 
would make if the Government is compelled to buy every ounce of silver which 
they can mine at $1.29 cents an ounce — twice the market value — and if every Ameri- 
can citizen is forced to accept this 51 cents' worth of silver as one dollar. 

To-day the mine-owners took the circulation of appeals entirely out op 
Secretary Merrill's hands. They are discomfited that arguments which are heard 
every day in these mining-camp States, facts which pass without comment because 
of their obvious truth, should have made such a prodigious sensation in the East. 

Silver Fund for Election. 

The silver-mine owners have forwarded this week their first contribution to the 
Financial Committee of the National Democratic Committee. It is small — less than 
$50,000. They prefer to spend their money in their own way, through their own 
committees, for their own interests. The silver-mine owners are using the Demo- 
cratic organization for self-interest, but they have no idea of subordinating their 
interests to the Democratic party, to which nine-tenths of them have been for years 
opposed. The Populists are still more distrusted by the silver-mine owners because 
the real creed of the Populists is to have almost unlimited paper money issued by 
the Government, and so make money "less scarce." Such a policy would of course do 
away with silver altogether, and the silver-mine owners regard this cardinal doc- 
trine of the Populist faith with almost frantic fear. 

The silver-mine owners have maintained their organization for twenty-two years, 
incessantly fanning the flames of discontent in years of bad crops or hard times, 
making bargains with the Republican party for protective tariffs and bargains with 
the Democrats in the South to defeat force bills. They have passed three acts in 
twenty-four years compelling the Government to buy their silver at a fancy price and 
have actually succeeded in unloading 460,000,000 ounces of it on the Government 
at a price which has caused the Government a net loss of $146,000,000. 

Silver Trust Like Jay Gould. 

They have followed in politics the simple principle of Jay Gould when he was 
corrupting legislators and watering Erie Railway stock. He said that he had to be 
a Republican in Republican counties, a Democrat in Democratic counties, but that he 
was an Erie Railway man everywhere. 

In the same manner the Silver Trust has been Republican in these Republican 
mining-camp States; it has been Democratic in Democratic States in the Southland 
it has been Populist in the Middle Western States; but it has been for free silver 
everywhere; and its sole object has been to secure for itself a monopoly of the United 
States mints. 

Here are the names of the Finance Committee of the Silver Trust, which now 
has charge of raising funds to be expended on election day in the interest of free 
silver : 

R. C. Chambers, Joseph L. Rawlins, Thomas G. Merrill, Committee on Address; 
R. Chambers, Ontario Mine; J. J. Daly, Daly West; Joseph L. Rawlins, mine 
owner; J. Q. Paekard, Eureka Hill, Keystone and Gemini; W. S. McCormick, Bullion 
Beck Mine, banker; John Beck, Bullion Beck; C. A. Cohn, manager Delamars Gold 
Mines; Frank Knox, bank president, owner of Ajax; H. W. Lawrence, owner of silver 
mines in Utah and Nevada; Samuel Mclntyre, Mammoth Mine; James McGregor, 

Crescent} Thomas Kearns, Silver King; Dr. Hough, dentist and politician; Simon 
Balberger, Bullion Beck; J. R. Walker, Alice Mine, Montana; George L. Scott, Crys- 
tal Mine; O. J. Salisbury, owner of silver mines in Utah and Idaho; George A. Snow, 
implement dealer; E. A. Wall, Ophir Silver Mine; J. E. Banberger, Centennial 
Eureka; P. T. Farnsworth, Horn Silver; A. G. Campbell, Cave Mine; Thomas G. 
Merrill, Secretary Bimetallic League; D. C. Dunbar, politician; J. A. Cunningham, 
Mammoth; W. H. Dickson, attorney-at-law and mine owner; C. C. Goodwin, editor 
Tribune; A. F. Holden, Old Jordan and Galena; W. M. Bradley, Centennial Eureka 
Mine and attorney-at-law; C. S. Varian, attorney-at-law and mine owner; J. W. 
Donnellan, bank president; W. W. Chisholm, Centennial Eureka. 

The Treasurer, G. R. Walker, signs himself "Treasurer of the Non-Partisan 
Campaign Committee" — a correct title, as not a single member of the committee cares 
a fig either for the Republican or Democratic party or for Mr. Bryan. They are all 
working for their own private interests, definitely stated in their own official circu- 
lar "as 64 cents an ounce, all of which is profit," on all the silver that can be mined. 

A mining expert expresses the opinion that under free silver coinage the pro- 
duction of the silver States would within two years reach the stupendous product 
of 100,000,000 ounces per year. The coining value of this money would be $129,000,- 
000, and the Silver Trust, which is controlled by less than two hundred monopolistic 
mine-owners, would reap a clear profit of $64,000,000 per annum in addition to the 
profits which they now receive. 

Do these figures make Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan's bond syndicate look poor and 
weak — like an infant industry needing protection ? 


The letter published yesterday of Thomas G. Merrill, Secretary of the Bimetallic 
League of the Silver States, and confirmed and further explained in our special 


It is specially so in its candor. 

Mr. Merrill proposes without a blush that the silver-mine owners shall con- 
tribute one month's profits and buy the Presidency of the United States as a specu- 

With all the calm assurance of a promoter offering a new trust stock, he ex- 
plains to the silver-mine owners that this will be an unusually good investment. It 
will enable them, he says, to convert their bullion into legal-tender coin at $1.29 per 
ounce, thus giving them a clear profit of 64 cents an ounce in addition to the profits 
they make now. 

That is to say, he shows them that by contributing a month's profits each they can 
probably buy the exclusive privilege of furnishing money to this country and com- 
pelling the people to give them one dollar for every 51 cents' worth of silver they 

Mr. Merrill is entirely right. It is a good gamble. For such a monopoly, or 
even for a reasonable prospect of it, the mine-owners could well afford to pay not 
one but many months' profits. 

It looks very much like a Presidential auction sale, but a little matter like that 
will not seriously trouble speculators for scores of millions. 

If it is accomplished every dollar of the enormous profits anticipated must be 
taken in one form or another from the earnings of those who work for their living. 

What do workingmen think of the proposal ? How will they vote concerning it ? 
Will they use their ballots thus to turn over a large part of their wages to multi- 
millionaire mine-owners, or will they prefer to regard their wives and children as 
having cne first claim upon their wages ? 


Becent Dividends Paid by the Big Mines; the Greatest Millionaire-Mill in 
the Wide World. — "16 to 1" Would Double the Profits. — The Mine-Owners 
Have Proved to be Omnipotent in Congress ; Will They be so at the Polls ? 
— Their Past Dividends and Their Future Hopes. — Nine-tenths of all the 
Silver Mined in Three States. — They Have, Together, Less Than Half the 
Population of New York City Alone, 

The system of book-keeping practiced by the Silver Trust for public inspection 
is a most wonderful system. On its face it bears all the marks of the most rigid 
honesty. It is a most simple system, for the lawmaking powers of the silver States 
are so entirely within the control of the trust that no laws are enacted that would 
in any way embarrass it. Occasionally it happens that the profits of some particular 


fragment of the trust reach such tremendous proportions that something is done to 
cover up its success. Two instances of this character will suffice. In the last re- 
turns sent to this city and published last Saturday is this item: 

"Cons. Cal. & Va. g. s., Nev.; capital stock, $21,600,000; total dividends paid, 
$3,898,800; last dividend, Feb., 18D5; amount, 25 per cent." 

In other words, the item conveys the information that the Consolidated Cali- 
fornia and Virginia Company, of Nevada, which produces both gold and silver, was 
capitalized at $21,600,000, and that it has only paid $3,898,800 in dividends, and that 
its last dividend was 25 per cent, paid in 1895. The fact is, however, that previous 
to the consolidation, which took place in August, 1884, the California had paid 
$31,320,000 in dividends, and the Virginia had paid $42,390,000. So, instead of the 
dividends amounting to only $3,898,800, they actually amounted to $77,608,800, 


Date and Amount of 
Mine. Capital 8tock. Dividends Paid. Last Dividend. 

Aspen $2,000,000 $900,000 1894 10 per cent. 

Enterprise 2,500.000 825,000 1893 25 per cent, 

Evening Star 500,000 1,437,000 1889 25 per cent. 

Gold Coin 1,000,000 80,000 1896 10 per cent. 

Iron Silver 10,000.000 2,500,000 1889 20 per cent. 

Morning Star 1,000,000 1,025,000 1891 25 per cent. 

New Guston 550,000 1,198,120 1892 25 per cent. 

Small Hopes.. 5,000,000 3,275,000 1896 10 per cent. 

Smuggler Union 5,000,000 100,000 1896 100 per cent. 


Bodie 10,000,000 1,677,572 1894 25 per cent. 

Standard 10,000,000 3,771,160 1895 10 per cent. 


Consolidated 21,600,000 77,618,800 1895 25 per cent. 

Dexter 1,000,000 100,000 1893 33 per cent. 

Eureka '. 1,000,000 5,112,500 1892 25 per cent. 


Anaconda 80,000,000 750,000 1896 62V 2 per cent. 

Bald Butte 250.000 437,500 1895 3 per cent. 

Boston 3,750,000 4,475,000 1896 300 per cent. 

Elkborn ,.... 1,000,000 1.212,000 1895 6 per cent. 

Granite Mountain 10.000,000 12.120,000 1892 20 per cent. 

Hecla 1,500,000 2,130,000 1896 50 per cent. 

Hope 1,000,000 592,252 1895 10 percent. 


Centennial Eureka 1,500,000 1,800,000 1896 100 per cent. 

Daly 3,000,000 2,887,500 1896 25 per cent. 

Horn-Silver 10,000,000 5,130,000 1896 12% per cent. 

Ontario 15,000,000 13,310,000 1896 10 per cent. 

Petro 1,000,000 17,500 1891 75 per cent. 

Silver King 3,000,000 750,000 1896 25 per cent. 


De Lamar 2,000,000 2,094,100 1896 25 per cent. 


Deadwood-Terra .. 6,000,000 1,590,000 1896 50 per cent. 

Homestake 12,500,000 5,962,500 1896 25 per cent. 

In studying the profits of these mines It should be remembered that more than half the silver pro- 
duct of the country last year came from lead, copper and gold mines. Many so-called lead and cop- 
per mines derive their big profits from silver extracted from their lead and copper ores in process of 

Here is the other case: 

According to the returns the Deadwood-Terra Company, of South Dakota, is 
capitalized at $5,000,000. It has only paid $1,240,000 in dividends, and its last 
dividend of 50 per cent, was paid in August last. Before these two interests were 
joined the Deadwood paid $275,000 in eleven dividends and the Terra had paid 
$75,000. Instead of these properties yielding only $1,240,000 in dividends, they have 
yielded $1,500,000. 

The accompanying table shows the profits of some of the great mines which pro- 
duce silver ore exclusively and silver mixed with copper and lead. 

Here are thirty mining properties that are capitalized for $171,650,000 and that 
have already yielded a profit of $154,868,504. Nearly all of them are running with 


j silver selling at 66 cents an ounce and are yielding an average dividend of about 38 
(per cent. 

What would the profits be under a free and unlimited coinage law which com- 
pelled the Government to pay $1.29 an ounce for every ounce of silver mined? 

The silver kings are professing great love for the laboring man. Here is an 
extract from the las,t issue of the Engineering and Mining Journal : "The Coronado 
is one of the mines owned by the Small Hopes Consolidation, which had secured 
some men willing to work at the lower wage." 

The Small Hopes is a silver mine located in Colorado. It is capitalized at 
$5,000,000 and has paid $3,275,000 in dividends. In March last it declared a divi- 
dend of 10 per cent. It could not have been poverty, therefore, that caused this com- 
pany to lower the wages of its employes. 

"Silver mining," said Dr. S. A. Robinson, who has given thorough investigation 
to the subject, "is the greatest millionaire-mill the world has ever known, and its 
successful pursuit requires less brain power, less intellect, less of the better and 
refined qualities of human nature than any other important calling. And the enor- 
mous profits of silver-mining in the past are not to be taken as a guide to the pos- 
sible profits under free silver coinage in the future. Recent inventions, and especially 
the development of electricity, have made it possible to operate mines far more 
easily and cheaply than by the old methods. A turbine water-wheel can be put in a 
canyon twenty miles away and the power carried to a mine of higher altitude by an 
electric wire. Should free coinage compel the American people to accept the miner's 
output as standard money the world would be astonished af~the flood of silver that 
would roll from the mines to the mints." 

The United States Mint Director's report for 1894 estimates that 145 mines pro- 
duce more than half the world's product of silver — $226,000,000 worth last year — and 
that the average cost of mining it, exclusive of interest on capital, is 52 cents per 
ounce fine. The present market price is 63 cents. The free-coinage campaign is to 
force the people to pay $1.29. 


Substantial Reasons fob His Fbee-Silveb Organ's Advocacy of Unlimited Sil- 
ver Coinage. 

(From the San Francisco Call.) 

If the free-coinage of silver is adopted as the policy of the Government it will 
be worth to William R. Hearst, proprietor of the free-silver organs of New York City 
and San Francisco, not less than $400,000 a year. This is the estimate placed on 
Mr. Hearst's ''winnings," as they say, on the appreciation of the value of the product 
of his silver mines. 

Mr. Hearst owns a third of the stock of the Ontario Mining Company, 32,281 
shares, appraised at the time of his father's death as worth $1,226,678. He owns of 
the Daly Mining Company stock 27,633 1-5 shares, appraised at the same time as 
worth $525,030.80. 

The Daly mine is a sister vein of the Ontario mine — practically the same mine. 
The Ontario mine is rated among mining properties as just the best silver mine in 
the long list of silver mines in this country, if not in the world. It has paid in 
dividends alone no less than $9,000,000. When the price of silver was at its best the 
Ontario mine was yielding to its stockholders $75,000 a month. It is now yielding 
but $10,000 a month. That is to say, the value of the product — not the quantity — 
has depreciated to less than one-seventh what it was when the price of silver was up. 

The whole argument of the free-silver men is that the free and unlimited coin- 
age of silver at 16 to 1 would not only lift, but would maintain, the price of silver 
at that ratio to gold. That is to say, it would cause silver to be worth $1.29 an ounce, 
and the product of the Ontario mine would leap from $10,000 a month to $75,000 
in net value. 

To account for this difference in the value of the product, as compared with 
the anticipated advance in the price of silver, it must be remembered that the ex- 
penses of working the mine remain the same, whether the price is up or down. The 
fact is that if silver were to go up to $1.29 it would be worth just $65,000 a month, 

or $780,000 a year, to the stockholders of the Ontario mine. As Mr. Hearst owns ft 
third of the stock of that mine you can figure out his share yourself. It would be 
$260,000 — it would be worth that much more, you understand, than he is getting 
out of the property now. The same increases in values would result on the Daly 
mine, which is a sister vein equally rich, and of which Mr. Hearst owns considerably 
over $500..000 worth of stock. 

Mr. Hearst is the owner of the only paper in San Francisco that advocates 
this free coinage. He is the owner of the only paper in New York City that advocates 
it. They have both been advocating it loudly and clamorously. 


{Editorial, New York World, October 3d } 1S96.) 

The character of the free-silver campaign is now fully revealed. The Merrill clr 
cular calling upon silver-mine owners to contribute a month's earnings each, upon the 
direct plea that success would give them an unearned profit of 64 cents an ounce on 
their product, leaves no shadow of doubt as to what this campaign means. 

It is a campaign for "boodle." It is sustained by the millionaire owners of silver 
mines for the express purpose of compelling the people to coin their product at about 
double its market value, every dollar of the tribute to be taken, directly or indirectly, 
from the earnings of those who toil. 

Behind the movement stand these mine-owners. They are already rich through 
their monopoly of one of nature's supply sources and through their ability to cut 
down the wages of the miners, as they have recently done. They propose by the elec- 
tion of a free-coinage President and Congress to double the price of their product and 
quadruple the value of their property. 

To that end they appeal to cupidity and all the other base passions without re- 
serve. They promise the mortgaged farm-owner that he shall be allowed to cheat the 
savings bank or life-insurance company that lent him money of half its loan. 

They appeal to class prejudice and tell the poor that this is a campaign 
against the rich. 

They seek to Marshall alt, the forces of discontent on their side, going 
even so far as to reproach college students for receiving an education at 
tneir fathers' expense. 

They appeal to ignorant sectional prejudice and seek to stir up jealousy and 
strife between the West and South on the one hand and the North and East on the 
other hand. 

They appeal even to organized disorder and promise rioters and lawbreakers 
immunity from interference by federal authority whenever they choose to 
stop the mails and blockade the commerce of the country by violence. 

What do honest and orderly citizens think of such a programme? What do in- 
telligent workingmen think of the proposal to take half their wages for the enrich- 
ment of mine-owners? What do savings-bank depositors and life-insurance policy- 
holders think of a plan to rob them of half the money they have lent upon security? 
What do honest men, law-abiding men, patriotic men, order-loving and country-loving 
men, think of this campaign for "boodle," this organization of the forces of chaos? 

(The Washington correspondent of the New York Evening Post, a crazy sheet 
about imperialism, but good authority in money matters.) 



(Special dispatch to The Evening Post.) 

Washington, D. C, July 14, 1900. — The Democrats will have much more money 
fcr their coming campaign than they had four years ago. So marked has been the 



OF IT. The chief sources of funds this time will probably be William A, Clark of 

Montana and the Anti-Imperialists. No man in the United States is more likely to 
distinguish himself by the size of his campaign contributions than Mr. Clark. He 
wants to be the national character ; politics seems to be the remaining field in which 
he desires distinction. His ejection feom the United States Senate afteb hav- 
QUESTS. What is more, the Kansas City Convention "recognized" him by seating his 
delegates instead of those supposed to be controlled by Mr. Daly. This committed 
the national organization to the Clark side of the fight in Montana, just as the Repub- 
lican national organization has been committed to Addicks in Delaware. The re- 
port promptly spread that Mr. Clark intended to give a million dollars to the Bryan 
campaign fund. When questioned on this point, he simply said, in that heroic spirit 
of self-sacrifice which characterizes all his utterances: "I will do my duty." Inas- 
much as he is the owner of large mining properties in which silver is to some extent 
a by-product," it is quite likely that he might see "duty" in the proposed opening of 
the American mints to the free coinage of silver, as well as finding in the Bryan 
cause an opportunity to become a national character. At all events, Mr. Clark's con- 
tribution will, be a large one. He is exceedingly close on money matters except in 
those things in which his personal pride and ambition are aroused, but this is evident- 
ly one of them. 

The Anti : Imperialists who go to the extreme for supporting Bryan are in many 
cases so intense in their convictions that they purpose to contribute in cash towards 
the cause. Among the old-line Democrats who for one reason or another have made 
their way back into the party this year, there is also a disposition to lay down some 
cash by way of penance and as a guarantee of their sincere allegiance to the party 
now. This is said to be, by Democratic collectors now in the field, not a bad source 
of revenue. Then, agencies have been at work for the last four years to collect money 
in small sums for the free-silver cause, and in one way or another a goodly fund is in 
prospect, so that it is commonly considered an even race between the parties so far as 
financial sources are concerned; for the Republicans, it is generally believed, will not 
be able to raise so much as they did four years ago. 

This change in the condition of the Democratic cash-box will have a notable effect 
upon the methods of campaign management. In 1896 a great deal of the Democratic 
work was done "on shares," so to speak, of the harvest which it was* proposed to reap 
in the event of Bryan's election. Many persons did clerical work at headquarters 
with practically no compensation other than the enrolment of their names among 
those who had so assisted, this testimony being supposed to be good for a Federal 
position if Bryan were elected. The spoils plank of 1896, reaffirmed at Kansas City 
with the rest of the Chicago platform, made such a tacit understanding easy, and se- 
cured a great deal of clerical aid without financial cost. While this will also figure 
in the pending campaign the Democrats will have the money to pay for printing & and 
advertising and the other things which a prospect of office could not well secure. 

The British owners of the American silver mines were not moved to contribute 
the modest three millions asked for to elect Bryan, the exact and urgent request being 

that one month's profits — profits — were specifically and strenuously requested to 

elect Bryan with; and the statement has been largely circulated on apparently excel- 
lent authority, and generally believed, that the whole sum given by the members of 
the Silver Trust for Bryan's canvassing expenses in the year 1896 was only about 
$S00,000.00. Even that is a tolerably tidy sum for revenue reformers to employ, and 
it is supposed this was largely spent in abusing the Honorable Marcus A. Hanna for 
his "plutocratic" principles and his alleged pecuniary methods in politics. Tha 
reason why the Silver Trust didn't give more than the moderate but somewhat con- 
siderable sum of $800,000.00, is that they (the Trust) did not believe in the rise of 
silver Mr. Bryan proclaimed, prophesied, and reduced several thousand times to 


positive phrase, while he apparently assiduously neglected simple arithmetic. Ac- 
cording to Mr. Bryan's speeches, from his Madison Square Garden speech all the way 
down to the last gasp before the returns were in, his orations all offered the Silver 
Trust something, from thirty-five to thirty-eight millions of dollars a year, if they 
would buy the office of President of the United States for him, as in that case, and 
Congress to go along with him, having the power to reorganize the Supreme Court of 
the United States, he could, according to his methods or presentation (and he was 
very plain about it), double the price in the market of all the silver in the world. 
The truth is, the British thought this proposition so big, that they didn't believe the 
rise in silver would be so great; and they excused themselves from excessive contribu- 
tion because in their untutored understanding, as silver rose the production would be 
stimulated by the move, because lower grades of ore could be worked to advantage, 
unprofitable mines could be made profitable, and the increase of silver on the market 
(according to the British capitalists), would prevent the rise in silver; and at that 
time Mr. Bryan hadn't got so far along as to talk about the fall of gold with sufficient 
force and profusion to make an impression. If Mr. Bryan's argument in America 
could have been credited in London, where the owners of the silver properties reside — 
that is, the owners of a majority of the stock in the silver properties that are profita- 
ble, reside there — why no doubt they would have contributed several millions. They 
could have afforded to have given a year's profit; and with the increase of the product 
of silver and of the price; and as all advances were going to be pure velvet, it would 
have been worth forty millions of dollars at least per annum, to the Trust, to have 
had Mr. Bryan elected. Was ever before so grand a game spread out for the people? 
And this was done by the very fellows whose bellowings about trusts have gone on in- 
creasing year after year. 

We have stated that the appeal to the Silver Trust was for one month's profits 
only. The figures given above need not be repeated; as to the price of silver and the 
quantity of it mined, and the difference between the mint value and market value of 
the white metal, the statistics have not been questioned. The New York World, after 
giving the documents and cartoons and editorials we reproduce, somewhat suddenly 
and singularly dropped the subject, omitted further attentions to the Tremendous 
Theme and did not persevere to the bitter end in the indictment of the trust, so that 
the whole subject passed without the analytical attention that would and surely should 
have given the people the measurement of the scheme to buy the Presidency of the 
United States by an organized trust abroad of silver mine owners and speculators. 
There was a reason why in this country there was not as much said on this subject 
as one would naturally suppose. It was regarded as a personal attack by mb. 
Joseph Pulitzer, proprietor of the New York World, upon Mr. William R. 
Hearst, the proprietor of the New York Journal, and was discounted there- 
STATEMENT OF the truth; the truth was a bigger thing than was told, and there is 
no doubt as to the general facts. No denial of them has been made or is likely to be 
presented to the public. The idea is to be dead quiet about it. 


It is probable nothing could be done to double the market price of all the silver 
in the world, but free coinage of silver would cause a rise, and a large one, if made 
on the terms that Mr. Bryan presents with such a facile and fascinating overflow of 
language. His free silver means silver forced upon the nations. If that rise should 
be only one-fotjkth what the Democratic and Disorderly candidate, now for the sec- 
ond time before the country, claims, the net profit — the pure velvet of it would ex- 
ceed eight millions of dollars annually. That would be a considerable donation by 
the American people from their own industries to the capitalists at the seat of the 
British Empire, and the money center of the world, where the awful gold standard 
rears its yellow head and the Silver Trust basks in the golden rays, and turns silver 
to gold by the magic of the market. 

It was not known in 1896 that the owners of our most profitable silver mines 
were capitalists in London. That very interesting circumstance was revealed two 
years later. 

Mr. Bryan was peremptory that the silver 16 to 1 plank of 1896 should be en- 
thusiastically, peremptorily, and in exaggerated form inserted in the Kansas City 
platform, and it is there, but he does not propose to say so much about silver as in the 
"First Battle." There is, however, to be great goings-on about imperialism, and an 
awful and insistent row, even by the Ice Trust itself, of Tammany, the citadel of 
American Democracy, about trusts ; and we, the people, are to be told all the time, of 
the subordination the gold standard imposes upon our country — subordination to Eng- 
land. That is what Mr. Bryan is most particular and powerful about. He feels the 
necessity of appealing somewhere to the vanity of the American people, and his way 
of doing it is to tell Americans if they use gold just the same as the British do, and 
have rather more of it than the British have, that they are in a state of servility to 
the money power in London! He wouldn't mind that, however, if his interest in the 
white metal would cause the contribution of some millions of dollars by the Silver 
Trust of London to elect him president of the United States. When Mr. Bryan was 
running for the Presidency four years ago — we publish the full story from the New 
York World — which is rantankerously Democratic, we believe, to-day — has had a 
horrid time in its mind about imperialism and is suffering pangs when Carl Schurz 
denounces imperialism, and thinks the thing the Americans should have done when 
they conquered the Philippines was to run away and hide themselves and allow the 
Spanish gunboats that were left of the Spanish squadron to destroy American com- 
merce in Asiatic waters — that would have prevented our being in a position to go 
to the help of Americans who are in the hands of persecutors in China — this conserva- 
tive sheet, the New York World, told the country four years ago all about this Silver 
Trust, told them how Mr. Hearst of the Journal, now the great leader of the Demo- 
cratic party press, and maker of Democratic doctrine day by day, was making mon- 
strous sums out of his various mines, and if Mr. Bryan were elected, would heap 
money mountain upon money mountain, piling his riches to the clouds, converting 
red copper and white silver to yellow gold. There is to be a care this year that the 
operations of the Silver Trust shall not be made known. The leak in 1896 was 
through the indiscretion that presented the appeal to the silver men who were in this 
country, to the columns of the Salt Lake newspaper instead of sending Bryan men to 
find meaey in England. An intelligent and enterprising young man telegraphed it to 


the New York World, and we give it above. It is not probable there will be such 
a give-away this time, but there has been a noise like a roll of drums and the blasting 
sounds of brass instruments, going on among the silver cohorts of the Reverberator 
Bryan, to the effect that this year there would be an ample supply of money for him. 
They pretend that they will get it from capitalists who object to imperialism, but the 
place where they are going for it is to that British Silver Trust in London. 

It should be taken into account that American silver is counted in British gold 
when it gets to London, and the bids of the Silver Trust for the Presidency of Bryan 
are in gold coin, British sovereigns. The silver promoters four years ago, appealed 
to the Silver Trust to buy the great office for that remarkable political economist, 
W. J. Bryan, and they are at it again, with all the advantages of experience, including 
London as a hiding place. The Trust is a foreign organization; it would be difficult 
for us to inquire into it if we should want to do so, and the repeated effort to pur- 
chase the Presidency by the Silver Trust, with British gold gained in mining Ameri- 
can silver, imprecisely the picturesque logic of the downfall into hideous degeneracy 
of the Democratic party, which appears in the abandonment of the old pride of the 
party that it expanded the country, and the boast of Thomas H. Benon favoring the 
presence of gold in the pockets of American farmers, and goes in for all that is be- 
littling, fraudulent and scandalous in national life, proposing again, unquestionably 
to bring to bear upon the capitalists of England, who own the silver mines of the 
United States that pay the best and the most, and holding up to them for sale the 
office of chief magistrate of the American republic for cash in hand and beforehand. 


This means work and wag* 1 ?; and work and wages mean happy homes and happy firesides. 

—William McKinlbt. 


Progress and Prosperity 


President McKinley's Administration. 


Increase in our Foreign and Domestic 
Trade, and in Manufacturing. 

It is an interesting fact that twice in the recent history of the United States the 
declared intention to maintain the integrity of its currency has been followed promptly 
by a pronounced revival in industrial and commercial activity, and the speedy r< siora- 
tion of a prosperity that had long been delayed. The opening up of two of the most 
prosperous periods in our history has attended the efforts of the American people to 
make every dollar of their circulating medium the equivalent of a gold dollar. Xo 
mere coincidence was this concurrence of events, or else the axioms of political 
economy are meaningless dogmas. 

On January 1, 1879, the Government undertook to make good its solemn pledge 
to return to specie payments. To many the task seemed impossible. There was a 
scarcity of both gold and silver, and the "farce" of resuming was ridiculed in press 
and platforms. But the Government resumed, and specie payments have contin- 
ued during the twenty years since. In the year of resumption, gold to the amount 
of $75,000,000 was received from abroad, and in the three years following January 1, 
1879, the country gained by import more than $200,000,000 of gold. The predicted 
gold famine did not occur. For nearly four years the country rejoiced in the utmost 
prosperity. The depression which followed the panic of 1873 was forgotten, and 
from 1879 to 1882 industry thrived and wealth accumulated. 

And now we find history repeating itself, but with more vigorous arguments 
than those of the "resumption" era. As to causes that have brought about a condi- 
tion of prosperity unparalleled in the records of the past history of the country, 
there will be honest differences of opinion. One cause, however, must be acknowl- 
edged as potent wherever good faith is recognized as the touchstone of credit. The 
decision of the American people four years ago to raise their currency to the very 
highest standard of value, undoubtedly has had very much to do with stimulating 
confidence, which in business becomes credit. Without an expansion in credit there 
would have been no such awakening into activity of industries, dormant in stagna- 
tion a few years ago, as that which we now behold. 


Is the country really prosperous? Are its business and industrial and financial 
interests thriving? It is doubted if ever before an affirmative to such a question 
could be given with so little mental reservation as now. The first answer to this 
question will be taken from the records of the clearing houses of the country. It 
was about the middle of 1897 that these first began to show substantial gains. 

The clearing houses in fifty cities, located in thirty-one different States, in tne 
three and a half years from January 1, 1893, to July 1, 1896, had exchanges aggregat- 
ing about $176,000,000,000. 

In the corresponding period ending July 1, 1900, they amounted to nearly $259,- 
000,000,000, an increase of $83,000,000,000 or 47.2 per cent. 

Only one city of the fifty, New Orleans, shows a decrease, and it has maae gains 
during the latter part of the period. The percentages of gain range from four per 
cent for Milwaukee, to 141.2 per cent for Seattle. Among the cities showing extra- 
ordinary gains are: New York, 58.8 percent; Pittsburg, 70.5 percent; Baltimore, 
69.8 per cent; Cleveland, 55.9 per cent; Indianapolis, 86.9 per, cent; Chicago, 45.5 per 
cent; Minneapolis, 41.5 per cent; St. Joseph, 72.2 per cent; Savannah, 31.8 per cent; 
Birmingham, 54 per cent; Los Angeles, 56.6 per cent; Salt Lake City, 59.7 per cent; 
Portland, Ore., 41.5 per cent; Spokane, 130.7 per cent, and Tacoma, 33.8 per cent. 

The clearing house records speak for all classes of business. They reflect the 
activity of all lines of trade and industry and testify of general conditions. The 
reports of the banks throughout the country also furnish an index of the situation. 
The latest returns for all classes of banks come down no further than 1899, and, from 
the following, comparative summary of deposits, loans and resources is made: 













Loan & Trust Co.. 



$ 695 700.000 






835 500.1 '00 



2,522 2C0,000 

i '61-7.200 000 


1,054.8 000 



$ 909,000.000 

599 000.000 

1,098 600 000 

53. 300. Oft 


$1,107.200 000 


2,143,300 000 

94.300 000 







4,708,800 000 


$4,945 200,000 



$5 152,100,000 



The returns of 9,469 banks in 1896 and 9,732 banks in 1899 are included in the 
foregoing table. The deposits increased in three years $1,823,000,000, or more than 
37 per cent. These are individual deposits, and do not include deposits made by one 
bank with another, or the deposits made by the Government. The increase indicates 
in part a growth in the wealth of the country. The deposits average about $90 per 
capita. Loans increased in the three years $908,000,000, or more than 21 per cent, 
and bank resources increased $2, 351,000,00' '—over 31 per cent. Thelprosperity of the 
banks has depended upon the prosperity of the country. 


For many years it has been a maxim that as the iron trade is, so is the general 
trade of the country. A reading of this barometer confirms the most optimistic 
views concerning the prosperity of the country. The output of pig iron has reached 
proportions far exceeding all previous records. 

In the six months ended June 30 this year, the production was 7,642,569 tons, 
exceeding by more than 2,000,0u0 tons the largest total for any six months' period 
prior to 1898. The output for the year ended June 30, 1900, was 14,974,105 tons— 
the largest ever known. For three successive years the output of pig iron has 
exceeded the total of all previous years, the a^gregrate being 38,2.S6,410 tons as com- 
pared with 23.641, 51^ tons in the three years ended June 30, 1896. The following 
table shows the production of pig iron yearly for the past eleven years: 

Year Ended June 30 

Year Ended J 

UNE 30 



Ended J 

UNE 30 

1890 8,502 552 


1895 ... 


... 5 278.567 

1898 . . . 
899 .. . 



1891 8,010,297 

1892 9 6*1.446 

J 896 

. 10,334 9*6 

. . .14,974,105 

1893 8,950,235 


Four years 

.. 8,050,367 

e yes 

38 286 410 

Four years 35,144.530 

.. 31 691.883 

The production of pi*/ iron for the last three years exceeded that of the previous 
four yt-ars by nearly 6,000,000 tons. Since October 1, 1*90, there has been almost a 
continuous increase in the output. On that date there were 130 furnaces in blast 
with a weekly capacity of 112.782 tons. On February 1, 1900, there were 296 fur- 
naces in blast, producing 298,014 tons weekly, which were reduced on July 1 to 284 
t'urr.a'-es. with a capacity of 283,413 tons, making the present rate of production 
nearly 15.000,000 tons a year. 


Iron and steel enter so largely into structural building that the iron trade is less 
dependent upon railroad construction than it was a number of years ago. Increased 
building of railroads has, however, had a favorable influence upon the iron industry, 
while it also indicates that the railroads and the business of the country generally 
have been experiencing a revival in activity. It is estimated that over 2,100 miles 
of new railroad were built in the United States in the first six months of 1900, and 
that the total for the calendar year will probably approximate 6,000 miles. Such an 
addition to the railroad mileage of the country will exceed the total for any previous 
year since 1888. The railroad mileage in operation and increase each year since 1888 
are shown in the following table: 




3 ^ 




Miles in 

in Miles 








i Tofl4yrs. 


182 769 













Incr.3 l ' 2 yrs. 

Total 4 years 

19 056 



* First six months. 

During the year and a half — January 1, 1899, to July 1, 1900— the mileage of 
new railroad cons' ructed falls but little below the total for the four years, 1893 to 
1896, inclusive. A more convincing evidence of general improvement as regards the 
condition of the railroads need not be sought. 

The increased prosperity of the railroads is reflected in the larger number of 
employes engaged in the service of the railways and the larger compensation that 
they are receiving. The latest complete statistics are for the year ended June 30, 
1899, only recently published by the Inter-State Commerce Commission. These 
show that on that date there were 928,924 persons in the employ of the railways, an 
average of 495 per 100 miles of line. Their aggregate annual compensation was 
$522,967,896. The share railway employes obtained in prosperity is suggested in 
the following comparative statement: 

Year Ended June 30 

Total Number 


Per 100 
Miles op Line 

Total Yearly 





$445,5*8 261 

468 *24 531 


495,055 618 



522.967 896 

Comparing 1899 with 1895 there has been an increase of 143,890 in the number 
of persons employed, while the number per 100 miles of line has increased fifty four. 
The yearly compensation has increased $77,000,000 since 1895. When the results of 
the year ended June 30, 1900, shall have been compiled, the employes will be 
found to number very nearlv 1.000,000, and their annual compensation to exceed 


The theory that the price of silver influenced the price of commodities, which 
had many advocates four years ago, has been demonstrated to be not infallible, even 
if not an out-and-out fallacy. Since 1896 there has been a decided parting of the 
ways between silver and other commodities. The price of silver has gone lower, 
while the prices of general merchandise and of labor have moved upward. The 
yearly range of silver in the London market during the past eight years was as 


Yeah Enoed 
June 30 

riiG.'i! 9T 

; r,w EST 


June SO 

j ^ KAi; I. 




Prn r 






37 % 
SO r a 

• :l 16 


30 J _; 


*• 10 



28 ?i 
31 4 

Ii897 .;. . 

! 18798 .... 
1 1899 .... 

31 K 

28i 9 e 

Pen re 
0- '•» 

-' 16 

27 1 .. 



« M 

Although silver had fallen fron 40£$ per ounce in July, 1S93, to 27'Z in Mv J c», 
1894, and was as >»>w as 3 d in 1>> cember, 1895, it went still lower until, in August,, 
1&97, it touched the lowest price ever reached, 2X%d. 

At no lime in the last three ypars and a half lias the rjrice of silver b- en as h : uh 
as the lowest pri< e ncorded in 13'Hi. If then the price of commodities were in fad 
dependent upon the price of silver, general market values should be nearly the lowest 
ever known. Tint such is not the case is plain to everyone. The following table 
gives Bradstrcet's review of* that period: 


Jan. 1, 1801 
Apr. 1, 1891. 
July 1, 18V. 1. 
Oct. 1, li-91. 
Jan. 1, 1-92. 
Apr. 1, 1892. 
July 1. 1892. 
Oct. 1, 1892. 
Jan. 1, 1893. 
Apr. 1, 813. 
July 1, 1893. 
Oct. 1. 1893. 
Jan. 1, 1&94. 

Price of Average 
Silver I Pricks 







40 3-16 

P8y 8 

3.4i/ 8 


Pt,2 8 

87.7, l J 
82 & 9 
79,6: 9 
78.6 7 
7.">. 991 

Price of 









. 1894.. 


73, 1C0 


.. 1894.. 


72,27- • 


, 11-94 

29 3-lfl 



. 1895 . 

27 7-16 



t 1895 . 




, 1 895. . 


71, bin 


. 1895.. 




. 1896 

3; -4 


A-i r. 

, 1896 . 




. 1896.. 

Rl.i . 



. urn . 

30 5-16 



, 1897.. 

29 13-16 

69/ (n 


, 18^7. 

28 7- (5 


Price of 

A v e HA G K 







Julv 1 


27 9-16 


net. 1 



%', .277 

Jan. 1 




A i r. 1 


25 11-16 

7 •.!">! 6 

July 1 




Oct. 1 


28 3-16 

76, 5( 2 

Jan. 1 




Apr. 1 


27 7-16 


July 1 




Oct. 1 



86 796 

Jan. 1 


27 3-10 


A 1 r. 1 




July 1 





A complete list of the commodities which have advanced in price since l fl 96 would 
include about all of the articles produced in the United States. Wheat which soid in 
New York on July 1, 1896, at C+i cents p«r bushel, sold at considerably above S 1 . 0* * 
per bushel during several months of 1898, and at 88f on July 1, 1900. Corn which 
sold at 2<5 cents per bushel in 1806. sold above 48 cents in 1900. Cotton, for a long 
time under the handicap of over-production, failed to advance, and was quoted at 4| 
per pound in New Orleans in Nove'i ber, 1-08. as against 6J-| on July 1, 1896. It 
began to advance in the autumn of 18°0, and the Npw Orleans price was close to 9| 
cents in June, 1900. The advance that has occurred in some of the leading products 
is shown in the following statement of wh ilesale prices at New York on or about 
July 1, in the last six \ ears: 


Wheat per 

Corn per 

Oats pf»r 

Lard per 

B^ef per 

Pork per 




91 D C 


July 1 






64^ @ 65J4 
81 %@ 82 

89 @90 

79 @ 804 
884® 924 

49y 2 ® 50% 
334 (in 3:4 « 
284 ® 287 8 

39 ® :■ 94 

464 ® 474 


28 © 284 
21 ©214 
2\K 0~r 214 
304 ® 
284 ® 

6 65 ® 6.70 
4.20® 4.25 
4.25 @ 4.30 

5 70® 5.75 
5.20 ® 

6 90 © 6 924 

10 50® 1 5.50 
7.50© 8.50 
8.50® 9.50 
11.50© 12.00 
9.50®, 10 50 
10 50® 12.00 

13 25® 14.00 
8,00® 8.75 
8 25® 8.75 
10.00® 10 50 
8 75® 9.00 
11 75® 12.50 

Centsl Cents 

74 i >* 
77.«r-j \r 

64 i 28 



5 y-..t'i 2~ 

94 -•> 

* Price at New Orleans 


The farmer has had good reason to rejoice because of the change which has 
occurred since 1896. The difference to him in dollars has been very great indeed. 
He has been receiving more for his wheat and for his corn and other products, and 
his material condition has been greatly improved. The farm value of wheat and 
corn produced in the last six years is shown as follows: 




Yield in 




Yield in 








$ 225,902,025 




$ 554,719,162 



1895 , 




3 Years 


$ 774,443,562 









$ 428,527,121 



2.078 143.933 

$ 501,072,952 










The aggregate value of wheat increased $366,000,000 in the three years, and of 
corn, $91,0o0,000. Similarly the value of the oats crop increased nearly $22,000,000. 
The gain on the three crops was nearly $480,000,000. 

With the exception of 1892, the exports of wheat and wheat flour in each of the 
years 1898 and 1899 were the largest reported for any year. The exports of con in 
each of the last four years were larger than in any year prior to 1897. The greatest 
cotton export years in the history of the country were 1898 and 1899. Wheat exports, 
in the three years ending June 30, 1900, exceeded in value those of the three years 
ending June 30, 1897, by $180,000,000; wheat flour exports bv $50,000,000;' corn 
exports by $121,000,000, and cotton exports by $56,000,000— a total of $407,000,000 for 
these four products alone. It is a showing which may well bring content to the 
American farmer. 


Evidence of the improved condition of business is afforded in the record of fail- 
ures as reported by "Dun's Review." Not in years have the failures been so few in 
number or involved so small liabilities as in each of the last two years. The follow- 
ing table shows the failures yearly in the last nine fiscal years : 





1 Year 











S 79.633,656 




| 3 Years. 







3 Years.. 


£660 (09,033 



| 3 Years 



Years ago it was observed that one of the surest signs of prosperity was a large 
immigration, while a falling off in number of immigrants indicated depression. Read 
by that index the conclusion as to the conditions now existing must be favorable 
There were 448,551 immigrants brought to our ports in the year ended June 30, 1900, 
as compared with 230, S32 in 1897, and 229,233 in 1898. 


A most favorable change is to be noted in the finances of the Government, and 
one which evidences the splendid resources of the country. 

It is not difficult to recall the depressing conditions which existed a few years 
aero. The United States Treasury was rapidly reaching a condition of bankruptcy. 
Not onlv was the gold reserve almost exhau c ted — twice it went below $50,000,000, 
roaching $44,700,000 in January, 1895, and $49,800,000 in January, 1896— but the 
total cash balance dropped to $84,000,000 in January, 1894. 

Two loans of $50,000,000 each were raised in February and November, 1894, 
another of $02,315,000 in February, 1895, and a fourth of $100,000,000 in February, 

1896. Notwithstanding the sale of $202,000,000 bonds, realizing to the Government 
$293,000,000, the cash balance in the Treasury on January 31, 1897, was only 
$215,000,000, only $98,000,000 more than in June, 1893. 

In the three years from July 1, 1893, to June 30, 1896, the Government revenues 
were nearly $138,000,000 less than the expenditures, while the entire cash balance in 
the Treasury on July 1, 1893, was only $122,000,000, not enough to offset the deficit 
of the three succeeding years. The Government was forced to borrow in order to 
meet its current expenditures. 

A very different and more gratifying showing is made for the last three years, 
a period during which the expenditures of the government were increased for war 
purposes nearly $400,000,000. The Government revenues in that period were within 
$98,000,000 of enough to meet all expenditures, excluding the amount paid to extin- 
guish the Pacific railroad bonds, and the $20,000,000 paid to Spain for the Philippine 



3 Years Ended 
July 1, 1896 

3 Years Ended 
July 1, 1900 


3 Years Ended 
July 2, 1896 

5 Years Ended 
July 1,1900 

137, 2%. 769 


740 637,192 

83,522 671 

Civil and Miscel.. 



422.006 515 




33,966 511 

427 723 290 

Internal Revenue. 

Total receipts. 




117.658 295 

Total Disb'm'ts, 



The deficit of the last three years was nearly $40,000,000 less than in the three 
years ended June 30, 1896, although the expenditures for war and navy purposes 
were $635,000,000, as against less than $245,000,000 in the earlier period. 

In the fiscal year 1809-1900 there was a surplus of $81, 000,000 as compared with 
a deficit in 1895-i>96 of $25,000,000. 

The only issue of bonds for the purpose of raising money since 1896 was that of 
August, 1898, when $198,792,640 of three per cent bonds were sold. This issue was 
to prosecute the war with Spain. Another issue of bonds was issued this year for 
the purpose of refunding the debt at two per cent, and $307,000,000 of these bonds 
had been issued on June 30, 1900. The effect of that issue is not to increase the 
debt, but to reduce the annual interest charge. The changes in the public debt since 
1893 are indicated in the following statement : 


June 30, 1893 

June 30, 1896 

June 30, 1900 

Twos of 1891 

Fours of 1907 

$ 25.364,500 

$ 25,364,500 

$ 21,979,850 
128,843 240 

Fives of 1904 

Fours of 1925 

Threes of 1908 

Twos of 1930 


Total bonded debt 



#1. 023,478.860 

Annual interest charge 




While the bonded debt was increased $262,000,000 between June 30, 1893, and 
June 30, 1896, it was increased only $176,000,000 since 1896 The annual interest 
charge was increased $11,500,000 prior to 1896 and was reduced nearly $1,000,000 
since 1896. The improved condition of the Government finances is further indicated 
in the following comparison : 


June 30 





Total debt 

122 462.290 

$1 222,729.350 
267 432 096 

$1 226.793,712 


Net debt 


101.699 605 

140.790 738 


Gold balance 


From 1893 to 18°6 the net public debt, after deducting cash in the Treasury, was 
increased $116,000,000. That was in time of peace, when the current revenues 
should have provided for current expenses. In the corresponding three years from 

1897 to 1900, the net debt was increased $121,000,000. an amount far less than a 
single year's increase in war expenditures, made necessary by our conflict with 
Spain. The improved position of the Treasury is shown in the large increase in the 
cash balance and in the proportion that is in gold. The balance now is nearly $306,- 
000,000, and more than 7o per cent is in gold. 


Coming to the changes that have occurred in the circulating medium of the 
country since 18'»6, it does not seem possible that the same arguments which were 
urged in entire good faith four years ago in support of the free coinage of silver at 
the ratio of sixteen to one can be brought forward now. 

The money supply instead of diminishing has increased at a rate far in excess of 
that recorded in any corresponding period. From #1,509,000,000 on Julv 1, 1896, the 
circulation increased to $2,062,000,000 on July 1, 1900, a gain of $553,000,000. In 
these four years, while the population of the country increased nearly 6,500,000, 
the circulation per capita increased from $21.10 to $26.50, an increase of $5.40 for 
each man, woman and child in the country. 

The fear of a gold famine, which disturbed many people four years ago, has 
been pretty well dissipated by this time. The supply of gold for monetary uses 
never was as great as it is now. It is $317,000,000 more than on July 1, 1896, $21 1,- 
000,000 more than on January 31, 1894, and $310,000,000 more than on July 1, 1890. 

Nearly forty per cent of the total circulation is now in gold as compared with 
only thirty-three per cent, in 1896, and about thirty-five per cent in 1890 and 1894. 

The gold in our currency now exceeds silver and treasury notes of 1890 by $189,- 
000,000. In 1896 the latter exceeded gold by $40,000,000. 

Not only has our circulating medium increased in volume, but it has been put 
on a sounder basis. — From The Bankers' Magazine. 



No administration since that of Lincoln has been so fruitful of great events as 
that of William McKinley, and no feature of the administration of William McKinley 
has been more remarkable than the expansion of our commerce which has 
accompanied it. 

In products of the field, the factory, the mine, the forest, the fisheries — in even 
branch of production and industry the development of our commerce, national and 
international, has been phenomenal. Never before have our manufacturers 
demanded such supplies of raw material from abroad, and this is an evidence that 
they were never before so busy, and that their army of employes was never before 
so well able to buy the products of the farm, the forest or the mine. 


The consuming power of the population of the United States varies greatly 
with the activity or silence of its mills and workshops. When manufacturers are 
busy and the millions dependent upon them are occupied at profitable rates of wages 
the consumption of goods almost doubles. 

The consumption of wheat, for instance, runs three and a fraction bushels per 
capita in times of depression such as existed from 1893 to 1897; in times of prosperity 
and activity in manufacturing it runs above six bushels per capita. 


In internal commerce there has been an enormous increase during the three 
prosperous years under President McKinley. This is evidenced by the fact that 
railway freights carried in 1898 amounted to 912,978,858 tons, against 674,714,747 in 
1894, the year in which the Wilson low tariff was enacted; and that coal production 
in 1899 was fifty per cent more than in 1894. 


Three distinct features characterize the commerce of the United States under 
the McKinley administration, First, a reduction in imports of manufactures; Second. 
an increase in importations of manufacturers' materials; and Third, an enormou , 
increase in exportations of finished manufactures. 

For the first time in our history we are exporting more manufactures than we 

In 189G, under the Wilson free trade tariff, imports of manufactures exceeded 
exports of manufactures by more than $100,000,000. In 1898, the first year under 
the Dingley tariff, exports of manufactures for the first time exceeded imports of 
manufactures, the excess of exports over imports in manufactures alone being in that 
year more than $60,<0>>,0v>0. In the fiscal year of 1900 exports of manufactures ex- 
ceeded imports of manufactures bv more than $100,000,000. 

MANUFACTURES BY $247,489,551. 

Notwithstanding the increased prosperity of the United States and consequent 
increased purchasing power of the people, the importations of manufactures in the 
three years under the Dingley law fell $158,435,915 below those under the Wilson 
law in the corresponding number of years, while the exports of manufactures during 
the three years under the Dins-ley law exceeded those of the corresponding years 
under the Wils >n law by the enormous sum of $373,121,554. 


Thus our manufacturers, under the three years' operations of the Dingley law, 
supplied to the consumers of the United States the $158,435,915 worth of manufac- 
tures excluded by the operations of the Dingley Act, and exported $373,121,554 worth 
of manufactures in excess of the amount exported in the corresponding years under 
the Wilson law, showing that their product in these two directions was $531,557,469 
greater in the first three years under the Dingley law than in the three years under 
the Wilson law In addition to this, it must be remembered that the home market, 
with the general increase in prosperity and consequent increased purchasing power, 
enlarged greatly, and it is safe to estimate that the value of the output of American 
manufactures during the three years' operations of the Dingley law has exceeded by 
more than one billion dollars that during the three years' operations of the Wilson 


Another evidence of the activity of the manufacturers under the Dingley law is 
found in the importations of raw materials. Many of the articles required for use 
in manufacturing are not produced in the United States, such, for instance, as fibers, 
silk, India rubber, tin for use in manufacturing tin plate, and certain chemicals; 
while in hides and skins, cabinet woods, furs and fur skins and Egyptian cotton, 
there is a rapidly increasing importation. 

Notwithstanding the claims of the friends of the Wilson law that its chief object 
was to furnish free raw materials to manufacturers, the fact that this privilege was 
accompanied by heavy reductions in the duties on manufactured goods so reduced 
the field for American manufacturers that their imports of raw materials during its 
operations were far less than under the Dingley law. 

The average importation of raw materials under the Wilson law was about 
$200,000,000 per annum. In the fiscal year, just ended, it was $302,264,106, an increase 
of 50 per cent over the average under the Wilson law. 

During the three years' operation of the Wilson law, raw materials for use of 
manufacturers formed but 27 per cent of the total importations. In the three years' 
operation or the Dingley law they formed more than 33 per cent, and in the year 1900 
more than 35 per cent. 

In the three years under the Wilson law imports "f fibers for use in manufactur- 
ing averaged less than $13,000,000 per annum. In 1899, under the Dingley law, they 
exceeded $20,000,000, and in in 1900 were more than $26,000,000. 

Imports of raw silk averaged but $23,000,000 per annum under the Wilson law, 
but increased to $32,000,000 in 1898, the first year under the Dingley law, and in i«0G| 
amounted to over $45,00<>,000, or double the average under the Wilson law. 

Imports of India rubber and gutta percha averaged $17,000,000 per annum during 
the three years' operation of the Wilson law, and increased to $25,000,000 in 1898, 
the first year under the Dingley law, and to $31,000,000 in 1899 and 1900. 

Imports of chemicals, which are largely used in manufacturing, averaged 
$45,000,000 per annum under the Wilson law, and in the year 1900 amounted to over 

Imports of pig tin for use in manufacturing tin plate averaged $6,500,000 per 
annum in the three years under the Wilson law, and increased to $8,500,000 in 1898, 
the first year under the Dingley law, to more than $11,500,000 in 1899, and to 
$19,098,005 in 1900. 

j TRADES f « COUNCIL fe 1 04 

The President's Position in Regard to 


Combinations of capital organized into trusts to control the conditions 
of trade among our citizens, to stifle competition, limit production, and 
determine the prices of products used and consumed by the people, are 
justly provoking public discussion, and should early claim the attention 
of the Congress. 

The Industrial Commission, created by the act of the Congress of 
June 18, 1898, has been engaged in extended kearings upon the disputed 
questions involved in the subject of combinations in restraint of trade and 
competition. They have not yet completed their investigation of this sub- 
ject, and the conclusions and recommendations at which they may arrive 
are undetermined. 

The subject is one giving rise to many divergent views as to the 
nature and variety or cause and extent of the injuries to the public which 
may result from large combinations concentrating more or less numerous 
enterprises and establishments, which previously to the formation of the 
combination were carried on separately. 

It is universally conceded that combinations which engross or control 
the market of any particular kind of merchandise or commodity necessary 
to the general community, by suppressing natural and ordinary compe- 
tition, whereby prices are unduly enhanced to the general consumer, are 
obnoxious not only to the common law but also to the public welfare. 
There must be a remedy for the evils' involved in such organizations. If 
the present law can be extended more certainly to control or check these 
monopolies or trusts, it should be done without delay. Whatever power 
the Congress possesses over this most important subject should be prompt- 
ly ascertained and asserted. 

President Harrison, in his Annual Message of December 3, 1889, 
says : 

Earnest attention should be given by Congress to a consideration of the ques- 
tion how far the restraint of those combinations of capital commonly called ''trusts" 
is matter of Federal jurisdiction. When organized, as they often are, to crush out 
all healthy competition and to monopolize the production or sale of an article of 
commerce and general necessity, they are dangerous conspiracies against the public 
good, and should be made the subject of prohibitory and even penal legislation. 

An act to protect trade and commerce against unlawful restraints and 
monopolies was passed by Congress on the 2d of July, 1890. The pro- 
visions of this statute are comprehensive and stringent. It declares every 
contract or combination, in the form of a trust or otherwise, or conspiracy 
in the restraint of trade or commerce among the several States or with 
foreign nations, to be unlawful. It denominates as a criminal every per- 
son who makes any such contract or engages in any such combination or 
conspiracy, and provides a punishment by fine or imprisonment. It in- 
vests the several Circuit Courts of the United States with jurisdiction to 
pi event and restrain violations of the act, and makes it the duty of the sev- 
eral United States district attorneys, under the direction of the Attorney- 
General, to institute proceedings in equity to prevent and restrain such 
violations. It further confers upon any person who shall be injured in his 
business or property bv any other person or corporation by reason of any- 

thing forbidden or declared to be unlawful by the act the power to sue 
therefor in any Circuit Court of the United States without respect to the 
amount in controversy, and to recover threefold the damages by him sus- 
tained and the costs of the suit, including reasonable attorney fees. It will 
be perceived that the act is aimed at every kind of combination in the 
nature of a trust or monopoly in restraint of interstate or international 

The prosecution by the United States of offenses under the act of 1890 
has been frequently resorted to in the Federal courts, and notable efforts in 
the restraint of interstate commerce, such as the Trans-Missouri Freight 
Association and the Joint Traffic Association, have been successfully op- 
posed and suppressed. 

President Cleveland in his Annual Message of December 7, 1896 

more than six years subsequent to the enactment of this law — after stating 
the evils of these trust combinations, says : 

Though Congress has attempted to deal with this matter by legislation, the 
laws passed for that purpose thus far have proved ineffective, not because of any 
lack of disposition or attempt to enforce them, but simply because the laws them- 
selves as interpreted by the courts do not reach the difficulty. If the insufficiencies 
of existing laws can be remedied by further legislation, it should be done. The 
fact must be recognized, however, that all Federal legislation on this subject may 
fall short of its purpose because of inherent obstacles, and also because of the com- 
plex character of our governmental system, which, while making the Federal au- 
thority supreme within its sphere, has carefully limited that sphere by metes and 
bounds which can not be transgressed. The decision of our highest court on this 
precise question renders it quite doubtful whether the evils of trusts and monopolies 
can be adequately treated through Federal action, unless they seek directly and 
purposely to include in their objects transportation or intercourse between States 
or between the United States and foreign countries. 

It does not follow, however, that this is the limit of the remedy that may be 
applied. Even though it may be found that Federal authority is not broad enough 
to fully reach the case, there can be no doubt of the power of the several States to 
act effectively in the premises, and there should be no reason to doubt their willing- 
ness to judiciously exercise such power. 

The State legislation to which President Cleveland looked for relief 
from the evils of trusts has failed to accomplish fully that object. This is 
probably due to a great extent to the fact that different States take differ- 
ent views as to the proper way to discriminate between evil and injurious 
combinations and those associations which are beneficial and necessary to 
the business prosperity of the country. The great diversity of treatment 
in different States arising from this cause and the intimate relations of all 
parts of the country to each other without regarding State lines in the con- 
duct of business have made the enforcement of State laws difficult. 

It is apparent that uniformity of legislation upon this subject in the 
several States is much to be desired. It is to be hoped that such uni- 
formity founded in a wise and just discrimination between what is injuri- 
ous and what is useful and necessary in business operations may be ob- 
tained and that means may be found for the Congress within the limita- 
tions of its constitutional power so to supplement an effective code of State 
legislation as to make a complete system of laws throughout the United 
States adequate to compel a general observance of the salutary rules to 
which I have referred. 

The whole question is so important and far-reaching that I am sure 
no part of it will be lightly considered, but every phase of it will have the 
studied deliberation of the Congress, resulting in wise and judicious action. 


Accepts the Nomination of the 

Republican Party to the Office 

of Vice-President 

Gov. Theodore Roosevelt completed the formal acceptance of the re- 
publican nomination for vice-president in a letter directed to Senator Ed- 
ward O. Wolcott of the notification committee. It reads: 

"Oyster Bay, New York, Sept. 15, 1900. 

"To Edward O. Wolcott, Chairman Committee on Notification of Vice- 
President — Sir: I accept the nomination as vice-president of the United 
States, tendered me by the republican national convention, with a very 
deep sense of the honor conferred upon me and with an infinitely deeper 
sense of the vital importance to the whole country of securing the re- 
election of President McKinley. 

"The nation's welfare is at stake.. We must continue the work which 
has been so well begun during the present administration. We must show 
in fashion incapable of being misunderstood that the American people, 
at the beginning of the twentieth century, face their duties in a calm and 
serious spirit; that they have no intention of permitting folly or lawless- 
ness to mar the extraordinary material well-being which they have at- 
tained at home, nor yet of permitting their flag to be dishonored abroad. 


"I feel that this contest is by no means one merely between republicans 
and democrats. We have a right to appeal to all good citizens who are 
far-sighted enough to see what the honor and the interest of the nation 

"To put into practice the principles embodied in the Kansas City plat- 
form would mean grave disaster to the nation; for that platform stands 
for reaction and disorder; for an upsetting of our financial system which 
would mean not only great suffering but the abandonment of the nation's 
good faith; and for a policy abroad which would imply the dishonor of the 
flag and unworthy surrender of our national rights. Its success would 
mean unspeakable humiliation to men proud of their country, jealous 
of their country's good name, and desirous of securing the welfare of their 
fellow-citizens. Therefore, we have a right to appeal to all good men, 

north and south, east and west, whatever their politics may have been in 
the past, to stand with us, because we stand for the prosperity of the 
country and for the renown of the American flag. 


"The most important of all problems is, of course, that of securing 
good government and moral and material well-being within our own bor- 
ders. Great though the need is that the nation should do its work well 
abroad, even this comes second to the thorough performance of duty at 
home. Under the administration of President McKinley this country has 
been blessed with a degree of prosperity absolutely unparalleled, even in 
its previous prosperous history. 

"While it is, of course, true that no legislation and no administration 
can bring success to those who are not stout of heart, cool of head and 
ready of hand, yet it is no less true that the individual capacity of each 
man to get good results for himself can be absolutely destroyed by bad 
legislation or bad administration, while under the reverse conditions the 
power of the individual to do good work is assured and stimulated. This 
is what has been done under the administration of President McKinley. 
Thanks to his actions and to the wise legislation of congress on the tariff 
and finance, the conditions of our industrial life have been rendered more 
favorable than ever before, and they have been taken advantage of to the 
full by American thrift, industry and enterprise. Order has been ob- 
served, the courts upheld and the fullest liberty secured to all citizens. The 
merchant and manufacturer, but above all the farmer and the wage-worker 
have profited by this state of things. 


"Fundamentally and primarily the present contest is a contest for the 
continuance of the conditions which have told in fctvor of our material 
welfare and of our civil and political integrity. If this nation is to retain 
either its well-being or its self-respect it cannot afford to plunge into 
financial and economic chaos; it cannot afford to indorse governmental 
theories which would unsettle the standard of national honesty and destroy 
the integrity of our system of justice. 

"The policy of the free-coinage of silver at a ratio of 16 to 1 is a policy 
fraught with destruction to every home in the land. It means untold 
misery to the head of every household, and, above all, to the women and 
children of every home. 


"When our opponents champion free silver at 16 to 1 they are either 
insincere or sincere in their attitude. If insincere in their championship 
they, of course, forfeit all right to belief or support on any ground. If 
sincere, then they are a menace to the welfare of the country. Whether 
they shout their sinister purpose or merely whisper it makes but little 
difference, save as it reflects their own honesty. No issue can be para- 
mount to the issue they thus make, for the paramountcy of such an issue 
is to be determined not by the dictum of any man or body of men, but 
by the fact that it vitally affects the well-being of every home in the land. 

"The financial question is always of such far-reaching and tremendous 
importance to the national welfare that it can never be raised in good 
aith unless this tremendous importance is not merely conceded but in- 
sted on. Men who are not willing to make such an issue paramount have 
no possible justification for raising it at all, for under such circumstances 
their act cannot under any conceivable circumstances do aught but grave 


"The success of the party representing the principles embodied in the 
Kansas City platform would bring about the destruction of all the con- 
ditions necessary to the continuance of our prosperity. It would also un- 
settle our whole governmental system, and would therefore disarrange 
all the vast and delicate machinery of our complex industrial life. Above 
all, the effect would be ruinous to our finances. If we are to prosper, the 
currency of this country must be based upon the gold dollar worth 100 

"The stability of our currency has been greatly increased by the ex- 
cellent financial act passed by the last congress. But no law can secure 
our finances against the effect of unwise and disastrous management in the 
hands of unfriendly administrators. No party can safely be intrusted with 
the management of our national affairs unless it accepts as axiomatic the 
truths recognized in all progressive countries as essential to a sound and 
proper system of finance. In their essence these must be the same for all 
great civilized people. 


"In different stages of development different countries face varying 
economic conditions, but at every stage and under all circumstances the 
most important element in securing their economic well-being is sound 
finance, honest money. So intimate is the connection between industrial 
prosperity and a sound currency that the former is jeopardized not merely 
by unsound finance, but by the very threat of unsound finance. 

"The business man and the farmer are vitally interested in this ques- 
tion; but no man's interest is so great as that of the wage-worker. A de- 
preciated currency means loss and disaster to the business man; but it 
means grim suffering to the wage-worker. The capitalist will lose much 
of his capital and will suffer wearing anxiety and the loss of many com- 
forts; but the wage-worker who loses his wages must suffer and see his 
wife and children suffer for the actual necessities of life. The one abso- 
lutely vital need of our whole industrial system is sound money. 

"One of the serious problems with which we are confronted under the 
conditions of our modern industrial civilization is that presented by the 
great business combinations which are generally known under the name 
of trusts. 


"The problem is an exceedingly difficult one and the difficulty is im- 
mensely aggravated both by honest but wrong-headed attacks on our whole 
industrial system in the effort to remove some of the* evils connected with 
it, and by the mischievous advice of men who either think crookedly or 

Who advance remedies knowing them to be ineffective, but deeming that 
they may, by darkening counsel, achieve for themselves a spurious repu- 
tation for wisdom; 

"No good whatever is subserved by indiscriminate denunciation of Cor- 
porations generally and of all forms of industrial combination in par- 
ticular; and when this public denunciation is accompanied by private 
membership in the great corporations denounced, the effect is, of course, 
to give an air of insincerity to the whole movement. Nevertheless, there 
are real abuses, and there is ample reason for striving to remedy these 
abuses. A crude or ill-considered effort to remedy them would 
absolutely without effect or else would simply do damage. 


"The first thing to do is to find out the facts; and for this purpose 
publicity as to capitalization, profits and all else of. importance to the 
public, is the most useful measure. The mere fact of this publicity would 
in itself remedy certain evils, and, as to the others, it would in some cases 
point out the remedies, and would at least enable us to tell whether or not 
certain proposed remedies would be useful. The state acting in its col- 
lective capacity would thus first find out the facts and then be able to take 
such measures as wisdom dictated. Much can be done by taxation. Even 
more can be done by regulation, by close supervision and the unsparing 
excision of all unhealthy, destructive and anti-social elements. 

"The separate state governments can do a great deal; and where they 
decline to co-operate the national government must step in. 


"While paying heed to the necessity of keeping our house in order at 
home, the American people cannot, if they wish to retain their self-respect, 
refrain from doing their duty as a great nation in the world. 

"The history of the nation is in large part the history of the nation's 
expansion. When the first continental congress met in Liberty hall and 
the thirteen original states declared themselves a nation, the westward 
limit of the country was marked by the Alleghany mountains. Even during 
the revolutionary war the work of expansion went on. Kentucky, Ten- 
nessee and the great northwest, then known as the Illinois country, were 
conquered from our white and Indian foes during the revolutionary 
struggle, and were confirmed to us by the treaty of peace in 1783. 

"Yet the land thus confirmed was not then given to us. It was held 
by an alien foe until the army under Gen. Anthony Wayne freed Ohio from 
the red man, while the treaties of Jay and Pinckney secured from the Span- 
ish and British Natchez and Detroit. 


"In 1803, under President Jefferson, the greatest single stride in expan- 
sion that we ever took was taken by the purchase of the Louisiana terri- 
tory. This so-called Louisiana, which included what are now the states of 
Arkansas, Missouri, Louisiana, Iowa, Minnesota, Kansas, Nebraska, North 
and South Dakota, Idaho, Montana and a large part of Colorado and Utah, 
was acquired by treaty and purchase under President Jefferson exactly and 
precisely as the Philippines have been acquired by treaty and purchase 
under President McKinley. 

"The doctrine of 'the consent of the governed,' the doctrine previously 
enunciated by Jefferson in the declaration of independence, was not held by 
him or by any other sane man to apply to the Indian tribes in the Louisi-. 
ana territory which he thus acquired, and there was no vote taken even of 
the white inhabitants, not to speak of the negroes and Indians, as to 
whether they were willing that their territory should be annexed. The 
great majority of the inhabitants, white and colored alike, were bitterly op- 
posed to the transfer. 


"An armed force of United States soldiers had to be hastily sent into 
the territory to prevent insurrection, President Jefferson sending these 
troops to Louisiana for exactly the same reasons and with exactly the same 
purpose that President McKinley has sent troops to the Philippines. 

"Jefferson distinctly stated that the Louisianians were 'not fit or ready 
for self-government,' and years elapsed before they were given self-govern- 
ment, Jefferson appointing the governor and other officials, without any 
consultation with the inhabitants of the newly acquired territory. The 
doctrine that the 'constitution follows the flag' was not then even considered 
either by Jefferson or by any other serious party leader, for it never en- 
tered their heads that a new territory should be governed other than in the 
way in which the territories of Ohio and Illinois had already been governed 
under Washington and the elder Adams; the theory known by this utterly 
false and misleading phrase was only struck out in political controversy at 
a much later date for the sole purpose of justifying the extension of slavery 
into the territories. 


"The parallel between what Jefferson did with Louisiana and what is 
now being done in the Philippines is exact. Jefferson, the author of the 
declaration of independence, and of the 'consent of the governed' doctrine, 
saw no incongruity between this and the establishment of a government 
on common-sense grounds in the new territory; and he railed at the stick- 
lers for an impossible application of his principle, saying in language which 
at the present day applies to the situation in the Philippines without the 
change of a word, 'though it is acknowledged that our new fellow-citizens 
are as yet as incapable of self-government as children, yet some cannot 
bring themselves to suspend its principles for a single moment.' He in- 
tended that ultimately self-government should be introduced throughout 
the territory, but only as the different parts became fit for it and no sooner. 
This is just the policy that has been pursued. 


"In no part of the Louisiana purchase was complete self-government 
introduced for a number of years; in one part of it, the Indian territory, it 
has not yet been introduced, although nearly a century has elapsed. Over 
enormous tracts of it, including the various Indian reservations, with a 
territory in the aggregate as large as that of the Philippines, the constitu- 
tion has never yet 'followed the flag'; the army officer and the civilian 
agent still exercise authority, without asking the 'consent of the governed.' 
We must proceed in the Philippines with the same wise caution, taking 
each successive step as it becomes desirable, and accommodating the details 
of our policy to the peculiar needs of the situation. But as soon as the 
present revolt is put down and order established, it will undoubtedly be 
possible to give to the islands a larger measure of self-government than 
Jefferson originally gave Louisiana. 


"The next great step in expansion was the acquisition of Florida. This 
was partly acquired by conquest and partly by purchase, Andrew Jackson 
being the most prominent figure in the acquisition. It was taken under 
President Monroe, the aftertime President John Quincy Adams being active 
in securing the purchase. As in the case of the Philippines, Florida was 
acquired by purchase from Spain, and in Florida the Seminoles, who had 
not been consulted in the sale, rebelled and waged war exactly as some of 
the Tagals have rebelled and waged war in the Philippines. The Seminole 

war lasted for many years, but Presidents Monroe, Adams and Jackson 
declined for a moment to consider the question of abandoning Florida to the 
Seminoles, or to treat their non-consent to the government of the United 
States as a valid reason for turning over the territory to them. 


"Our next acquisition of territory was that of Texas, secured by treaty 
after it had been wrested from the Mexicans by the Texans themselves. 
Then came the acquisition of California, New Mexico, Arizona, > T 
and parts of Colorado and Utah as the result of the Mexican war, . 
mented five year plater by the Gadsden purchase. 

"The next', ^uisition was that of Alaska, secured from E"^' 
treaty and rr: dse. Alaska was full of natives, some of them 
vanced wel '^ond the stage of savagery and were Christians. \ 
not consulted about the purchase nor was their acquiescence ~eq 
purchase was made by the men who had just put through a triun^ 
to restore the union and free the slave; but none of them 
sary to push the doctrine of the 'consent of the governed' t< 
fa '"astic as to necessitate the turning over of AI. L o r / 

theTnf"'^,n and the Aleut. For thirty years the ETni*"*' 
militar Md civil, exercised the supreme a" tv.ority in a trac 
times larger than the Philippines, in which rt r did not seem h 
would ever be any considerable body ° W, i inhabit- 


"Nearly thirty years passed before the next instance 
curred, which was over the island of Hawaii. An effort o 
end of President Harrison's administration to secure the 7$^ 
Hawa'"'. The effort was unsuccessful. .. , 

''."'bate in congress on Feb. 2, 18b,, -* the leaders n. 

the i 'on of the islands stated: 'TI gfto Viands are more ^u,u 

miles \1 ~nt from our extreme western bo^x. idry. We have a st io T 
problen' now in our country and I am not in favor of adding tin c 
mestic xbric a mongrel population (of this character). Our cons'' 
makes o provisions for a colonial establishment. Any territorial 
ment we might establish would necessarily, because of the population an 
oligarchy, which would have to be supported by armed soldiers.' 

"Yet Hawaii has now been annexed and her de- agates, have sat in the 
national conventions of the two great parties. The f ea* j then expressed in 
relation to an 'oligarchy' and 'armed soldiers' are not now seriously enter- 
trained by any human being; yet they are precisely the objections urged 
against the acquisition of the Philippines at this very moment. 


"We are making no new departure. We are not taking a single step 
which in any way affects our institutions or our traditional policies. From 
the beginning we have given widely varying degrees of self-government to 
the different territories, according to their needs. 

"The simple truth is that there is nothing even remotely resembling 
'imperialism' or 'militarism' involved in the present development of that 
policy of expansion which has been part of the history of America from the 
day when she became a nation. The words mean absolutely nothing as 
applied to our present policy in the Philippines; for this policy is only im- 
perialistic in the sense that Jefferson's policy in Louisiana was imperial- 
istic; only military in the sense that Jackson's policy toward the Seminoles 
or Custer's toward the Sioux embodied militarism; and there is no more 
danger of its producing evil results at home now than there was of its 
interfering with freedom under Jefferson or Jackson, or in the days of the 


Indian wars on the plains. Our army is relatively not as large as it was 
in the days of Wayne; we have not one regular for every 1,000 inhabitants. 
There is no more danger of a draft than there is of the re-introduction of 


"When we expanded over New Mexico and California we secured free 
government to these territories and prevented their falling under the 'mili- 
tarism' of a dictatorship like that of Santa Ana, or the 'imperialism' of a 
->pire in the days of Maximilian. We put a stop to imperialism in 
us soon as the civil war closed. We made a great anti-imperialistic 
when we drove the Spaniards from Porto Rico an" he Philippines 
6*seby made ready the ground in these islands for i gradually in- 
ci neasure of self-government for which their populc ' are sever- 

7 wa ! Cuba is being helped along the path to independent as rapidly 

unc topitizrtis are content that she should go. 

fal~' arse the presence of troops in the Philippines during the Tagal 
a muci_ no mc >*e to do with militarism or imperialism than had 

into the i ''the Dak^tas, Minnesota and Wyoming during the ma^v 

of the final outbreaks of the Sioux were d^^nit „ 

no more militarism or imperialism in ga r oning 
fejK is restored ri>r ^n there was imperialism in ser ig sol- 
"Th .Jakota in 1890, ^" ; ing the Ogallalla outbreak. The reason- 

now bc>>v ? having .nade ^r against Sitting Bui also justifies 

declare- - - the outbreaks ^ Aguinaldo and his "ollowers, di- 

saw c r Mfcre, against Filipino and American alike, 

on cor 


at + 

cna ' mly certain way of rendering it necessary for our repubMc to 

areer of 'militarism would be to abandon the Phil^ = to 

orfbes, /nd at '/" ^ time either to guarantee a sta! rn- 

Jf" n^_ these tribe's or t~ * I'antee them against outside in. ace. 

rr r army would be reqnired to carry out any such poL. t than 

x eL, aired to secure order under the American flag; while ii 'pres- 

"ihis flag on the Islands is really the only possible security i r ainst 

; ggreosion. 

I whole argument against President McKinley's policy in the Phil- 
* mines oecomes absurd when it is conceded that we should, to quote the 
language of the Kansa c City platform, 'give to the Philippines first a stable 
form, of "government-:"' If they are now entitled to independence, they are 
also entitled to decide f£r themselves whether their government shall be 
stable or unstable, civilized or savage, or whether they shall have any gov- 
ernment at all; while it is, of course, equally evident that under such con- 
ditions we have no right whatever to guarantee them against outside inter- 
ference any more than we have to make such a guaranty in the case of the 
Boxers (who are merely the Chinese analogues of Aguinaldo's followers). 

"If we have a right to establish a stable government in the islands it 
necessarily follows that it is not only our right but our duty to support that 
government until the natives gradually grow fit to sustain it themselves. 
How else will it be stable? The minute we leave it, it ceases to be stable. 


"Properly speaking, the question is now not whether we shall expand — 
for we have already expanded— but whether we shall contract. The Phil- 
ippines are now part of American territory. To surrender them would be to 
surrender American territory. They must, of course, be governed primarily 
in the interests of their own citizens. Our first care must be for the people 
of the islands which have come under our guardianship as a result of the 

most righteous foreign war that has been waged within the memory of the 
present generation. They must be administered in the interests of their 
inhabitants, and that necessarily means that any question of personal or 
partisan politics in their administration must be entirely eliminated. 

"We must continue to put at the heads of affairs in the different 
islands such men as General Wood, Governor Allen and Judge Taft; and' 
it is a -most fortunate thing that we are able to illustrate what ought to 
be done in the way of sending officers thither by pointing out what 
actually has been done. The minor places in their administration, where 
it is impossible to fill them by natives, must be filled by the strictest 
application of the merit system. 


"It is very important that in our own home administration the merely 
ministerial and administrative offices, where the duties are entirely non- 
political, shall be filled absolutely without reference to partisan affilia- 
tions; but this is many times more important in the newly acquired 
islands. The merit system is in its essence as democratic as our com- 
mon-school system, for it simply means equal chances and fair play for all. 

"It must be remembered always that governing these islands in the 
interest of the inhabitants may not necessarily be to govern them as the 
inhabitants at the moment prefer. To grant self-government to Luzon 
under Aguinaldo would be like granting self-government to an Apache 
reservation under some local chief; and this is no more altered by the 
fact that the Filipinos fought the Spaniards than it would be by the fact 
that Apaches have long been trained and employed in the United States 
army and have rendered signal service therein; just as the Pawnees did 
under the administration of President Grant; just as the Stockbridge 
Indians did in the days of General Washington, and the friendly tribes 
of the six nations in the days of President Madison. 

"There are now in the United States communities of Indians which 
have advanced so far that it has been possible to embody them as a 
whole in our political system, all the members of the tribe becoming 
United States citizens. There are other communities where the bulk 
of the tribe are still too wild for it to be possible to take such a step. 
There are individuals among the Apaches, Pawness, Iroquois, Sioux and 
other tribes who are now United States citizens and who are entitled to 
stand, and do stand, on an absolute equality with all our citizens of pure 
white blood. Men of Indian blood are now serving in the army and navy 
and in congress and occupy high position both in the business and the 
political world. 


"There is every reason why as rapidly as an Indian, or any body of 
Indians, becomes fit for self-government, he or it should be granted the 
fullest equality with the whites; but there would be no justification 
whatever in treating this fact as a reason for abandoning the wild tribes 
to work out their own destruction. Exactly the same reasoning applies in 
the case' of the Philippines. To turn over the islands to Aguinaldo and his 
followers would not be to give self-government to the islanders; under no 
circumstances would the majority thus gain self-government. They would 
simply be put at the mercy of a syndicate of Chinese half-breeds, under 
whom corruption would flourish far more freely than ever it flourished 
under Tweed, while tyrannical oppression would obtain to a degree only 
possible under such an oligarchy. Yours truly, 


DOCUMENT No. 116. 

Theodore Roosevelt. 


I am asked to tell what I know of Theodore 
Roosevelt, being his friend, and why he should 
be elected to the high office his countrymen have 
thrust upon him. But before I do that, let me, 
as a citizen of his State, record my protest 
against his being taken from us before he was 
half done with his work as governor of New 
York, and get my mind freed on the subject. 
We cannot spare him at all. Whatever we shall 
do with the factory law, which was just from a 
dead-letter becoming an active force; with the 
tenement-house problem, which means life, liber- 
ty, and the pursuit of happiness to a million wage- 
earners ; with the franchises and the trusts, 
whom he gave the cold shivers by proposing to 
deal justly by them — whatever the bosses will do 
with us when he is gone who dealt justly by them 
also, I don't know. I know what happened in 
the police department when he was gone. May 
it help us to understand that the Roosevelts and 
the Warings of our day are sent to set the rest 
of us to work, and that for us to stand by and 
see them do it, merely applauding and calling 
them good fellows, is not the meaning of it and 
not sense. Only when we grasp that is their 
real work done, and we need have no further 
fear of the bosses. There ! I have said it ; and, 
having said it, shall do what it is the business of 
every good New Yorker and every good citizen 
anywhere to do: take of my coat and help put 
Theodore Roosevelt where the mass of his coun- 
trymen want him, even though I have to give him 
up. As I understand it, that is the American 

I remember well when we first ran across each 
other. Seen him I had before, heading an in- 
vestigation committee that came down from 
Albany with true instinct to poke up the police 
department. I had followed his trial in the legis- 
lature, always exposing jobbery, fighting boss 
rule, much to the amazement of the politicians 
who beheld this silk-stocking youngster, barely 
out of college, rattling dry bones they had 
thought safely buried out of the reach of even 
old hands at that business. They comforted 
themselves with the belief that it was a fad and 
would blow over. It did not blow over. They 
lived to rue the day, some of them, when they 
" picked him up " as a handy man in a faction 
fight. They got rather more fight out of him 
than they bargained for. But they might have 

spared themselves their self-reproaches. They 
were not to blame. 

He came to the Evening Sun office one day 
looking for me. I was out, but he left his card 
with the simple message that he had read my book, 
"How the Other Half Lives," and "had come to 
help." That was the introduction. It seems only a 
little while ago, and measured by years it is not 
long; but what has he not helped with in New York 
since? We needed to have the police made 
decent, and he pulled it out of the slough of 
blackmail it was in. It did not stay out, but 
that was not his fault. He showed that it could 
be done with honest purpose. While he was 
there it was decent ; and, by the way, let me say 
right here that there is a much larger percentage 
of policemen than many imagine who look back 
to that time as the golden age of the department, 
when every man had a show on his merits, and 
whose votes are quietly cast on election day for 
the things "Teddy" stands for. 

We had been trying for forty years to achieve 
a system of dealing decently with our homeless 
poor. Twoscore years before the surgeons of 
the police department had pointed out that herd- 
ing them in the cellars or over the prison of 
police stations in festering heaps, and turning 
them out hungry at daybreak to beg their way 
from door to door, was indecent and inhuman. 
Since then grand juries, academies of medicine, 
committees of philanthropic citizens, had attacked 
the foul disgrace, but to no purpose. Pestilence 
ravaged the prison lodgings, but still they stayed. 
I know what that fight meant; for I was one of 
a committee that waged it year after year, and 
suffered defeat every time, until Teddy Roose- 
velt came and destroyed the nuisance in a night. 
I remember the caricatures of tramps shivering 
in the cold with which the yellow newspapers 
pursued him at the time, labelling him the "poor 
man's foe." 

The poor man's foe! Why the poor man never 
had a better friend than Theodore Roosevelt. 
We had gone through a season of excitement 
over our tenement-houses. The awful exhibits 
of the Gilder Committee had crowded remedial 
laws through the legislature — laws that permitted 
the destruction of tenement-house property on 
the showing that it was bad. Bad meant mur- 
derous. The death records showed that the 
worst rear-tenements killed one in five of the 

babies born in them. The Tenement-House Com- 
mittee called them "infant slaughter-houses." 
They stood condemned, but still they stood. A 
whole year was the -law a dead-letter, until, as 
president of the police board, Roosevelt became 
also a member of the health board that was 
charged with the enforcement of the statute. 
Then they went, and quickly. A hundred of them 
were seized, and most of them destroyed. In 
the June number of the Review of Reviews I 
gave the result in the case of a single row, the 
Barracks in Mott street, which Mr. Roosevelt 
and I personally inspected and marked for seiz- 
ure.* The death-rate came down from 39.56 in 
the thousand of the living to 16.28 — less than 
the general death-rate of the whole city! 

That work stopped too. They are seizing no 
more rear-tenements since Tammany came back. 
It has been too busy putting up the price of ice, 
that means life in these hot summer months to 
the poor man's babies, whether in front or rear- 
tenement. I should have liked to see Theodore 
Roosevelt run on his record in our State this fall 
against the ice-"trust conspiracy — the man who 
saved the poor man's babies against the villains 
who would see them perish with indifference, so 
long as it paid them a profit. It would have 
been instructive — mightily! 

It was human that some of the labor men should 
misinterpret Mr. Roosevelt's motives when, as 
president of the police board, he sent word that he 
wanted to meet them and talk strike troubles 
over with them. They got it into their heads, I 
suppose, that he had come to crawl; but they 
were speedily undeceived. I can see his face 
now, as he checked the first one who hinted at 
trouble. I fancy that man can see it, too — in 
his dreams. 

"Gentlemen," said Mr. Roosevelt, "I have come 
to get your point of view, and see if we can't 
agree to help each other out. But we want to 
make it clear to ourselves at the start that the 
greatest damage any working man can do to his 
cause is to counsel violence. Order must be 
maintained; and, make no mistake, I will main- 
tain it." 

I tingled with pride when they cheered him to 
the echo. They had come to meet a politician. 
They met a man, and they knew him at sight. 

It was after midnight when we plodded home 
from that meeting through snow two feet deep. 
Mr. Roosevelt was pleased and proud — proud of 
his fellow-citizens. "They are all right," he said. 
"We understand each other, and we shall get 
along." And they did get along, with perfect 
confidence on both sides. 

I read a story when I was a boy about a man 
who, pursued by relentless enemy, dwelt in se- 
curity because of his belief that his plotting 

*I was, at that time, executive officer of the 
Good-Government Clubs. 

could not hurt an honest man. Mr. Roosevelt 
constantly made me think of him. He spoke of 
it only once, but I saw him act out that belief 
a hundred times. Mulberry street could never 
have been made to take any stock in it. When 
it failed to awe Roosevelt, it tried to catch him. 
Jobs innumerable were put up to discredit the 
president of the board and inveigle him into 
awkward positions. Probably he never knew 
of one-tenth of them. I often made them out 
long after they were scattered to the winds. 
Mr. Roosevelt walked through them with perfect 
unconcern, kicking aside the snares that were 
set so elaborately to catch him. The politicians 
who saw him walk apparently blindly into a trap 
and beheld him emerge with damage to the 
trap only, could not understand it. They con- 
cluded it was his luck. It was not. It was his 
sense. He told me once after such a time that 
it was a matter of conviction with him that no 
frank and honest man could be in the long rnn 
entangled by the snares of plotters, whatever 
appearances might for the moment indicate. So 
he walked unharmed in it all. Bismarck con- 
founded the councils of Europe at times by prac- 
tising Roosevelt's plan as a trick. He spoke the 
truth bluntly when the plotters expected him to 
lie, and rounded them up easily. 

One charge his enemies made against him in 
which there was truth. It summed itself all up 
in that with a heat that was virtual acknowledg- 
ment of its being the whole arraignment: that 
there was always a fight where he was. 
"Always trouble," said the peace-at-any-price 
men, who counseled surrender when Roosevelt 
was fighting for a decent Sunday through the 
enforcement of the law compelling the saloons 
to close. " Never any rest. " No ! There was 
never any rest for the lawbreakers when he was 
around, nor for those who would avoid " trouble " 
by weakly surrendering to them. Roosevelt 
gauged New York exactly right when he set 
about his turbulent programme of enforcement 
of law. The scandal was not that we were be- 
ing robbed by political cutthroats, but that we 
submitted tamely. The formula we heard so 
often from his lips in the years that followed — 
honesty, manhood, courage — was the exact pre- 
scription we needed. We in the metropolis are 
abundantly able to run the robbers out of town 
and keep them out by just following the road 
he made for us when he ran them out of the police 
department. But he made it, fighting. It was 
true that there never was any rest while he was 
at it, night or day. When he had battled all day in 
Mulberry street, he would sometimes get up at 
two o'clock in the morning and go out on patrol 
to find out the policemen who were stealing the 
city's time. It became suddenly possible to find a 
policeman anywhere at any hour of the night in 
New York. Within a year after the old Tammany 
regime had come back, an epidemic of night fires 

that cost many lives brought from the firemen 
the loud protest that policemen were not awake, 
and the chief found it necessary to transfer half 
the force of a precinct for sleeping on post. 

No; there was never any rest when Roosevelt 
was around. There was none in Congress during 
the six years he was a civil-service commissioner 
under Harrison and Cleveland; and as a result, 
where there had been 14,000 places under the 
merit and capacity rules of the commission when 
he came in, there were 40,000 when he went out. 
To that extent spoils politics had been robbed of 
its sting. There was even less repose in the 
navy department when he went there as assistant 
secretary, fresh from the fight in Mulberry 
street, to sharpen the tools of war. It had a 
familiar sound to us in New York, when we 
heard the cry go up that Roosevelt wanted a 
row, and didn't care what it cost. He was ask- 
ing, if I remember rightly, for something less 
than $1,000,000 for target practice on the big 
ships. The only notice he took of it was to de- 
mand another $500,000 about the time he got 
Dewey sent to the East. I was in Washington at 
the time, and I remember asking him about that. 
Commodore Dewey was sometimes spoken of in 
those days as if he were a kind of fashion plate. 
And I remember his answer, as we were walking 
up Connecticut avenue: 

"Dewey is all right," he said. "He has a lion 
heart. He is the man for that place." 

Not many of us will quarrel with him about 
that now, or about the wisdom of shooting away 
that million in target practice. It made "the 
man behind the gun," of whom we are all so 
proud. The fact is that Roosevelt, so far from 
being a hasty man given to snap judgments, is 
one of the most far-sighted statesmen of any 
day. He has shown it in everything he has taken 
hold of. It was in Washington as it was in New 
York. The thing that beclouds the judgment of 
his critics is the man's amazing capacity for 
work. He can weigh the pros and cons of a case 
and get at the meat of it in less time than it 
takes most of us to state the mere proposition. 
And he is surprisingly thorough. Nothing 
escapes him. His judgment comes sometimes as 
a shock to the man of slower ways. He does 
not stop at conventionalities. If a thing is 
right, it is to be done — and right away. It was 
notably so with the round-robin in Cuba asking 
the Government to recall the perishing army 
when it had won the fight. People shook their 
heads, and talked of precedents. Precedents! 
It has been Roosevelt's business to make them 
most of his time. But is there any one to-day 
who thinks he set that one wrong? Certainly 
no one who with me saw the army come home. 
It did not come a day too soon. 

When he had done his work for the ships and 
resigned his oflBce to take the field, the croakers 
shouted that at last he had made the mistake of 

his life; — all to get into a scrap. His men didn't 
think so when he lay with them in the trenches 
before Santiago, sharing his last biscuit with 
them. They got to know him there, and to love 
him. I know what it cost him to leave his sick 
wife and his babies. I wanted to keep him at 
home, but I saw him go with pride, because I 
knew he went at the call of duty. He thought 
the war just and right. He had done what he 
could to bring it on as the only means of stop- 
ping the murder in Cuba, and he went to do his 
share of the fighting as a matter of right and of 
example to the young men to whom he was a 
type of the citizen and the patriot. As that type 
when he came home, we made him our governor 
in New York State. We ran him on the pledge 
of his record — the pledge of honesty, manhood, 
and courage; and he kept the pledge. I shall 
let some one else tell the story of that. Just let 
me recall the last trip we took together, because 
it was so much like the old days in Mulberry 
street. There had arisen a contention as to 
whether the factory inspector did his duty by 
the sweat-shops or not, and from the testimony 
he was unaWe to decide. So he came down from 
Albany to see for himself. It was a sweltering 
hot day when we made a tour of the stewing 
tenements on the down-town east side. I doubt 
if any other governor that ever was would at- 
tempt it. I know that none ever did. But he 
never shirked one of the twenty houses we had 
marked out for exploration. He examined the 
evidence in each, while the tenants wondered 
who the stranger was who took so much interest 
in their affairs; and as the result he was able to 
mark out a course for the factory inspector that 
ought to double and treble the efficiency of his 
office and bring untold relief to a hundred thou- 
sand tenement-house workers — if it is followed 
when Roosevelt is no longer in Albany. That 
will be our end of it: to see to it that he did not 
labor in vain. 

That is Roosevelt as I saw him daily during 
those good years when things we had hoped for 
were done. There stands upon my shelves a 
row of books, more than a dozen in number, 
beginning with the "Naval War of 1812," written 
when he was scarcely out of college, and yet 
ranking as an authority, both here and abroad, 
including the four stout volumes of " The Win- 
ning of the West, " and ending with his " Rough- 
riders," the picturesque account of that pictur- 
esque regiment in the last war, which testify to 
his untiring energy as a recorder as well as a 
maker of history. The secret of that is the story 
of the police force and the sweatshops pver 
again: his enjoyment of the work. If I were to 
sum the man and his achievements up in a sen- 
tence, I think I should put it that way. But that 
would not mean an accident of the Dutch and 
Huguenot and Irish blood that go to make up his 
heredity. It would mean of itself an achieve- 

ment. Theodore Roosevelt was born a puny child. 
He could not keep up with the play of other 
children, or learn so easily as they. He had to 
make himself what he is, and with the indomit- 
able will that characterized the boy as it does 
• the man, he set about it. He became at once an 
athlete and a student. When he joins the two, 
he is at his best. His accounts of life on the 
Western plains, of hunting in the Bad Lands of 
Dakota, where he built his ranch on the banks of 
the Little Missouri, are written out of the man's 

Mr. Roosevelt's recent protest against the im- 
pertinent intrusion of the camera fiend upon the 
seclusion of his home life at Oyster Bay was per- 
fectly characteristic of him, and of his way of 
saying the right thing at the right time. The 
whole country applauded it. In his home Mr. 
Roosevelt ceases to be governor of the Empire 
State, and becomes husband and father, the com- 
panion of his children, who treat him like their 
big, overgrown brother. His love for children, 
especially for those who have not so good a time 
as some others, is as instinctive as his champion- 
ship of all that needs a lift. I doTtbt if he is 
aware of it himself. He does not recognize as 
real sympathy what he feels rather as a sense of 
duty. Yet I have seen him, when school children 
crowded around the rear platform of the train 
from which he had been making campaign 
speeches, to shake hands, catch the eye of a poor 
little crippled girl in a patched frock, who was 
making frantic but hopeless efforts to reach him 
in the outskirts of the crowd, and, pushing aside 
all the rest, make a way for her to the great 
amazement of the curled darlings in the front 
row. And on the trip home, on the last night of 
the canvass of 1898, when we were at dinner in 
his private car, busy reckoning up majorities, I 
saw him get up to greet the engineer of the train, 
who came in his overalls and blouse to shake 
hands, with such pleasure as I had not seen him 
show in the biggest meeting we had had. It was 
a coincidence and an omen that the name of the 
engineer of that victorious trip was Dewey. 

That bent of his is easily enough explained. 
There hangs in his study at Oyster Bay, apart 
from the many trophies of the chase, the picture 
of a man with a strong, bearded face. 

" That is my father," said Mr. Roosevelt. " He 
was the finest man I ever knew. He was a mer- 
chant, well-to-do, drove his four-in-hand through 
the park, and enjoyed life immensely. He had 
such a good time, and with cause, for he was a 
good man. I remember seeing him going down 
Broadway, staid and respectable business man 

that he was, with a poor little sick kitten in his 
coat-pocket, which he had picked up in the 

The elder Theodore Roosevelt was a man with 
the same sane and practical interest in his fel- 
low-man that his son has shown. He was the 
backer of Charles Loring Brace in his work of 
gathering the forgotten waifs from the city's 
streets, and of every other sensible charity in 
his day. Dr. Henry Field told me once that he 
always, occupied as he was with the management 
of a successful business, on principle gave one 
day of the six to visiting the poor in their homes. 
Apparently the analogy between father and son 
might be carried farther, to include even the 
famous round-robin ; for, upon the same author- 
ity, it was the elder Theodore Roosevelt who 
went to Washington after the first Bull Run and 
warned President Lincoln that he must get rid of 
Simon Cameron as secretary of war, with the 
result that Mr. Stanton, the "Organizer of Vic- 
tory," took his place. When the war was fairly 
under way, it was Theodore Roosevelt who 
organized the allotment plan, which saved to the 
families of 80,000 soldiers of New York State 
more than $5,000,000 of their pay; and when 
the war was over he protected, the soldiers 
against the sharks that lay in wait for them, and 
saw to it that they got employment. 

That was the father. I have told you what the 
son is like. A man with red blood in his veins; a 
healthy patriot, with no clap-trap jingoism about 
him, but a rugged belief in America and its mis- 
sion; an intense lover of country and flag, a vig- 
orous optimist, a believer in men, who looks for 
the good in them and finds it. Practical in parti- 
sanship; loyal, trusting, and gentle as a friend; 
unselfish, modest as a woman, clean-handed and 
clean-hearted, and honest to the core. In the 
splendid vigor of his young manhood he is the 
knightliest figure in American politics to-day, the 
fittest exponent of his country's idea, and the 
model for its young sons who are coming to take 
up the task he set them. For their sake I am 
willing to give him up and set him where they 
can all see and strive to be like him. So we shall 
have little need of bothering about boss rule and 
misrule hereafter. We shall farm out the job of 
running the machine no longer; we shall be able 
to run it ourselves. 

When it comes to that, the Vice-Presidency is 
not going to kill Theodore Roosevelt. It will 
take a good deal more than that to do it. — 
Reprinted by permission from the American 
Monthly Review of Reviews for August, 1900. 
Copyright by the Review of Reviews Co., 1900. 








of Wisconsin, 

:n the 


May 2, 23 and 24, 1900. 



May 22, 23, and 24, /goo. 

Tuesday, May 22, igoo. 

The Senate having under consideration the bill (S. 2355) in relation to the 
suppression of insurrection in, and to the government of, the Philippine Isl- 
ands, ceded by Spain to the United States by the treaty concluded at Paris 
on the 10th day of December, 1S9S— 

Mr. SPOONER said: 

Mr. President: I have not recovered from the ailment which de- 
tained me from the Senate yesterday, and I am anxious to be through 
at the earliest possible moment. I ask leave of the Senate to have'in- 
corporated, without reading, in my remarks, some extracts from 
official documents, which will save me and save the Senate time. 

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Wisconsin asks 
permission, as he proceeds with his speech, to incorporate in it, with- 
out reading, extracts from official documents, which will be stated 
by him at the time. Is there objection? The Chair hears none. 

Mr. SPOONER. Mr. President, I am impelled to address the 
Senate upon this measure, which is the unfinished business, partly be- 
cause I took the responsibility of introducing it, and owe it to myself 
to state with frankness the reasons which led me to do so. 

The Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. Lodge] has addressed the 
Senate upon it in a speech which was very masterful and very elo- 
quent and beautiful, with most of which I agree. I wish to consider 
the subject upon somewhat different and in some respects less radical 

I suppose, Mr. President, it will be admitted that had there been 
no war with Spain and she had tendered to us "without money and 
without price" a cession of the Philippine Archipelago and a treaty 
accepting that cession had been transmitted to the Senate for its 
action, it would have received hardly a vote in this body and would 
have proved entirely unattractive to the great body of our people. 
The suggestion in advocacy of it tnat we are "Trustee" to lead the 
nations of the earth in the work of civilization would not have been at 
all persuasive. 

The quick and sufficient answer to that would have been that, 
while this is a missionary people, this is not and cannot become a 
missionary Government, and that it is not our function, philanthropic 
as we may be and as this people is, that their Government shall police 
the world, seeking for people oppressed, living in the darkness of ig- 
norance and half civilization in order to uplift them. 

It would have been said that we have problems of our own to 
solve, some of them complicated, all of them important, and that the 
first duty of this Government, trustee of our people, is to subserve the 
interests of our people, to develop the illimitable resources of this 
continent, to spread the blessings of education among the people, to 
give to the country equal laws, and to lift up as far as may be all 
here who are oppressed. If it had been said that the islands are full 

of mineral wealth, of untold richness in soil, and of unspeakable 
beauty, that would have produced no effect in this Chamber. 

Our people would not have harbored the thought of going into 
distant seas and taking archipelagoes of alien people because of the 
richness of the islands. I can conceive of no argument in favor of 
the acceptance of such a proposition which would have found much, 
if any, favor here or in the countrv. 

There would have been found no lust of empire among us; nor is 
there now, in my opinion, in the sense in which that term is now 
used in this body and in the country by certain distinguished gentle- 
men. • - 

But. Mr. President, when the treaty of Paris was sent to the 
Senate, containing, as it did, a cession of the Philippine Archipelago 
to us, it came, not as a simple proposition of purchase in time of 
peace, but it came to us environed by the complications of war and 
as one of the fruits of war. The debate did not ignore that. We 
had gone to war with Spain, a war the like of which in its inspira- 
tion the whole world never befoie saw. 

No people ever can give to the world higher evidence, Mr. Presi- 
dent, of devotion to liberty than the people of the United States gave 
when they demanded the withdrawal of Spain from Cuba, and 
resorted to war to enforce that demand. Admiral Dewey, long be- 
fore that treaty of cession came to us, had destroyed the Spanish 
fleet in Manila Bay, and had made for himself in a day a fame 
which can never fade. Our troops in Cuba, bearing themselves with 
the utmost heroism, had forced the capitulation of Santiago, and 
Sampson and Schley had sent to the bottom the prize fleet of Spain 
under command of Cervera. 

Something more had happened, Mr. President. Admiral Dewey 
had called for troops to be sent to Manila, and they had been sent. 
They were not sent to defend the fleet and everyone knew it. They 
were sent to capture and hold Manila, and everyone knew it. Ad- 
miral Dewey could have forced in a day the surrender of Manila, 
but he had not the troops with which to hold it. There are men 
who have regretted that troops were sent to Manila. Was any voice 
raised m this Chamber or in this country against the sending of 
soldiers to Manila? 

I remember very well some criticism of the President that they 
were not sent with sufficient alacrity; but I never heard a lisp of 
objection to 'their being sent to Manila. When the Paris treaty came 
before us for ratification, Manila had been captured with 13,000 Span- 
ish troop's and their arms, and the soldiers of the United States held 
that city and its suburbs. 

I did not myself take at all kindly to the acquisition under its pro- 
visions of the Philippine Archipelago. There was a time when, if it 
had come to a vote, I would not have been willing to vote for it. 

I stated to the Senate while that treaty was pending, and I restate 
it now, in a word, that, facing each of the alternatives which pre- 
sented themselves to the President, I could not see how he could 
have done any other thing than to demand the incorporation in that 
treaty of a cession to us of the Philippine Archipelago. Sev- 
eral alternatives were open to us. I shall not spend much time 
upon this. One was to leave the Philippine Archipelago with 
Spain; to omit it from the treaty. I felt obliged to reject that al- 

I could not see. then, nor have I ever been able to see since, how 
•the President could have concluded, under the circumstances, a treaty 
of peace with Spain which did not contain a cession of the Philip- 
ippine Archipelago. All with whom I have spoken upon the subject 

have said to me — and it was the sentiment of our country, and it 
had no lust of empire in it — whatever else is done about the Philip- 
pine Archipelago, that people must not be left under the tyranny 
of Spain. That sentiment pervaded this entire people. Am 1 wrong 
about that? 

Mr. President, our people had been inexpressibly shocked by the 
unspeakable cruelties perpetrated by Spain in Cuba. No one will 
soon forget the black days of the reconcentrado period. No one 
will soon forget the stories, not overtold — impossible to overtell— - 
of the tyranny, the wickedness, and the awful savagery of Spain in 
Cuba. Our people, not choosing to consider a cause of war exist- 
ing in their own behalf, sustained the Congress and sustained the 
President in going into a war to snatch the island of Cuba and 
her people from that thraldom. 

It was hardly to be expected, Mr. President, after our Navy had 
broken the power of Spain in both seas, and after Spain had applied 
for a suspension of hostilities with a view to a treaty of peace, that 
a people who, without cause of war which it chose to enforce on 
its own behalf, had poured out its treasure and the blood of its- 
sons for the liberty of another people alien to them, because of cruel- 
ty and oppression which could not longer be tolerated, would be 
willing that in the end of that struggle another people, vastly greater 
in number, who had also been subject to the same tyranny, should 
be left in the hands of Spain. By the fortunes of war we were there. 

It would have seemed to the world, many of us thought, that we 
had carried our flag of liberty to the mountain top, where all the 
world could see it, and then, afraid to meet responsibility, shudder- 
ing from duty, had incontinently run with it into the valley below, 
where no man could see it or would wish to see it. 
: It has been thought that if all mention of the Philippines had 
been omitted from the treaty, Spain never could have retaken those 
islands. Mr. President, I have never believed that. I have had no 
doubt myself that Spain would have resumed her sway in the Phil- 
ippine Archipelago. I have nev^r seen any reason to doubt it. 
First, it must be remembered that we had sent back to Spain 142,- 
000 soldiers, with their arms. Spain, no longer involved in Cuba 
or in Porto Rico ; Spain, vanquished bv us, but proud and haughty, 
would not have been willing to abandon the last of her possessions 
— that one in the Pacific seas. 

We would have been obliged in honor to march our troops out of 
Manila and to allow the troops of Spain, in such numbers as she 
chose, to occupy the city. Spain then had a navy free. Many of 
the nations of the world sympathized with her. The-y all would have 
preferred her retention of the Philippines to strife among them- 
selves for their possession, as there would have been. 

The holders of Spanish bonds all ov^r Europe, based upon a hy- 
pothecation of the revenues of Cuba, Porto Rico, and possibly the 
Philippines, would have been eager to furnish the .money, for ob- 
vious reasons, to enable Spain to retain her great Pacific possessions, 
and with her fleet and her troops she would, with comparative ease, 
have resumed her sway in the Philippines. 

We could not do that, we thought; and there was not a man in 
the Senate then, nor is there one here now, I take it, who would 
have been willing that all mention of the Philippines should have 
been omitted from that treaty. 

Even Aguinaldo contemplated the possibility that the treaty 
might leave the Philippines with Spain, and the certainty that Spain 
would attempt to resume her sovereignty there. In his letter of 
August 21. 1898, to the commanding officer of our forces, in reply 

to the demand that he withdraw his forces from Manila, he stated 
thus one of the conditions of sucn withdrawal: 

They also (referring to trie Filipinos) desire that if in consequence of the 
treaty of peace which may be concluded between the United States of America 
and Spain the Philippines should continue under the domination of the latter, 
the American forces : should give up all the suburbs to the Filipinos, in con- 
sideration of the cooperation lent by the latter in the capture of Manila. 

In reply to this he was informed that in the event of the United 
States withdrawing from these islands care would be taken to leave 
him in as advantageous position as he was found by the forces of 
the Government. 

It has been said that we should have demanded of Spain that she 
relinquish sovereignty over the Philippines, as she did over Cuba. 
That could not be expected of her. It would have been a demand 
to which Spain, even in her. overthrow and in her poverty, could not 
have yielded. 

Spain might very well say to us, "We relinquish our title to Cuba; 
that was the cause of the war ; that was your demand at the outset, 
coupled with a declaration that you would not acquire Cuba ; we will 
cede to you Porto Rico; and while we will, if it is exacted, cede to 
you the Philippines, you have no right to demand of us, you not 
wanting them, you not willing to take the burden of them, you not 
willing to safeguard them, that we quitclaim them to the world, 
purely in the interest of your philanthropy and of your vaunted love 
of liberty." 

She would have said to us, ''You have no interest in the Philip- 
pines ; you have never been in the Philippines except during this war; 
Philippines or their people had no relation to the inception of the 
war; you are there only by the accident of war; you have no prop 
ertv interests there ; you allege no violated treaties with reference to 
the Philippines, and you have no foundation upon which a nation, 
victorious in war, dealing justly with a defeated antagonist, can de- 
mand, simply for reasons of sentimentality, our relinquishment of 
title and sovereignty over this last great possession, as we agreed 
in the protocol and agree in the treaty to do as to Cuba." 

Mr. President, it was thought by many, too, that that would have 
left them, if Spain had been willing to relinquish the Philippines, 
we not taking them, to a. strife among the nations for their posses- 
sion ; and, more than that, to an internecine strife among the many 
tribes of different characteristics, of different grades of civilization, 
which would have shocked the world. 

So I thought that the treaty ought to be ratified. I voted for its 
ratification,, containing, as it did, the cession of Porto Rico and of 
the Philippine Archipelago to the United States. I said at the time, 
Mr. President,; that if, in my judgment, it committed the country tt) 
permanent domnion in the Philippines, I would not vote for its 
ratification. ;i 

Mr. President, it was, and is still, insisted and eloquently argued 
that the treaty should have been so amended that by its terms we 
should sustain the same relation to the Philippines which we do as 
to Cuba. If Spain could have been brought to consent to it, which 
there is no good reason to believe, subsequent events have made 
plain the absolute impossibility of our successfully sustaining the 
same relation to the Filipinos that we sustain as to Cuba. 

Cuba is near at hand, with a small population, comparatively, who 
knew us, believed in us, and were grateful to us. Spain had surren- 
dered Cuba and her cities to us, and we were military occupants. 

The Philippines are 7,000 miles away, with a population of eight or 
ten millions of ; many tribes, strangers to us, easily prejudiced 
against us, with an alleged government really hostile to us. as I 

will show. Even under cession of title and sovereignty .we nave not 
been able to avert attack and hostility begun before ratification of 

the treaty. . 

It is idle now to suppose that Aguinaldo would have consented 
to our doing in the Philippines what we are doing and will do in 
Cuba in the way of establishing a stable government. With no ces- 
sion of the archipelago, and with the hostility of the Tagalos, we 
should have been obliged to use force, without even claim of title or 
sovereignty ; remain only in Manila, or withdraw from the islands. 
What many of us thought then has been abundantly demonstrated 

W T e had taken Manila. That was a complication not to be over- 
looked. The Spaniards had gone back to the mother country, and 
when we drove the Spaniards out of Manila, when our soldiers 
marched into that city and the flag of the United States floated over 
it, what did it mean? It meant that we had driven out the power 
which protected the inhabitants of that city, and had taken upon our- 
selves the duty of protecting its inhabitants ; and there has never been 
a day since the 13th day of August, when Manila was captured — and 
I say it without fear of successful contradiction — when the United 
States, without cowardice, and absolute dishonor, could have with- 
drawn her troops from Manila and sailed away. 

Many of us thought so when we voted upon the treaty. We know 
it now, Mr. President. The Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. 
Lodge] referred to it in his speech. Aguinaldo's secretary of the 
interior, who was also a member of his staff, issued a proclamation or 
order calling on the Filipinos in Manila and elsewhere to join in 
the massacre of every foreigner. It was dated February 15, 1899. 

Here is the second clause of the order. Mr. President. Men who 
talk about civilization over there, who draw parallels between the 
greatest leaders for liberty in history and some of the half-caste 
leaders in the Philippines, who have seemed to exult sometimes in 
coupling with the name of Aguinaldo the name of Washington, can 
find no comfort in this production : 

2. Philippine families only will be respected. They should not be molested; 
but all other individuals of whatever race they may be will be exterminated 
without any compassion after the extermination of the army of occupation. 

That is not simply the father. It is the mother, the wife, the sons, 
and the daughters. It is those of mature years and the little ones — 
the family. 

Was ever anything worse than that? And who made this order? 
Teodoro Sandico. Who was he? One of the men closest to Aguin- 
aldo: a member of the junta in Hongkong, present at the meeting 
of the junta on May 5, and largely governing its deliberations by his 
ability and his will ; one of the thirteen chosen by Aguinaldo to ac- 
company him to Manila; secretary cf the interior, and a staff officer; 
one of the three men whom one of our consuls mentioned in his cor- 
respondence — Aguinaldo. Agoncillo, and Sandico — as men of great 
ability who would be leaders anywhere, in any affair. 

And when Senators introduce the proposition to withdraw our 
army now from Manila, with Englishmen there, with Germans 
there, with Spaniards there, with Hollanders there, with Frenchmen 
there, and Americans there, with their wives and their children, and 
their property, and with friendly Filipinos there, against whom ven- 
geance has been sworn, Mr. President, they make a proposition which 
in the end they themselves would hesitate to adopt. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. I should like to ask the Senator what proof 
he has of the verity of this order? 

Mr. SPOONER. What proof has the Senator of the verity of 


the immense number of things he has uttered on the floor of the 
Senate? I have the same. It was sent here. Where did the Sena- 
tor from Massachusetts get this? 

Mr. LODGE. It is in the official report of General Otis. It was 

Mr. PETTIGREW. I say now that Sandico never issued the 
order, and that they can not produce any proof of it, and that it was 
got up for the purpose of influencing the people of this country. 

Mr. DAVIS. I should like to say that I applied to the War De- 
partment six months ago for a copy of that order, having read about 
it in the papers, and received that as an authenticated verity. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. I say to the Senate Sandico never issued it. 

Mr. DAVIS. How do you know? 

Mr. SPOONER. Did Sandico tell you? 

Mr. PETTIGREW. When an order of that sort is produced 
here, some proof of it ought to be produced. What I say is this : 
My proof is good as to that. That order was issued by the parties 
in Manila who are in the habit of issuing orders of that sort, even 
under Spanish rule, for the purpose of prejudicing the case of the 
insurgents, and that no proof of it can be produced that it ema- 
nated from Sandico. The simple fact that it was sent here from the 
War Department is no evidence. 

Mr. SPOONER. I have seen a cablegram to Manila asking who 
issued this order and one replying that it was Teodoro Sandico. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. That is no proof that Sandico issued it. I 
deny it and I dispute it, and you can not bring the proof. 

Mr. SPOONER. The trouble with the Senator is that everybody 
is a liar who does not help make a case against this Government. 
[Applause in the galleries.] 

Mr. PETTIGREW. That will not answer. Until the proof is 
produced that Sandico issued that order it has no business here, 
and there is no such proof. 

Mr. SPOONER. Well, it is here and it will stay here. [Ap- 
plause in the galleries.] 

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Wisconsin will 
suspend for a moment. There must not be applause in the galleries. 

Mr. ALLEN. I ask that the rules of the Senate be enforced, and 
that if manifestations of approval or disapproval are repeated, the 
galleries be cleared. 

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The rules of the Senate require 
that. there shall be no applause in the galleries, and if it is insisted 
on the galleries must be cleared. The Chair trusts that the rules will 
be observed. 

Mr. SPOONER. I shall read extracts from a number of papers. 
If the Senator calls upon me for what in court would be evidence 
of authenticity, I can not give it, any more than I suppose the Sen- 
ator can make original proof of many of the statements which he 
has made here and which undoubtedly he believes. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. I will say that so far as the statements I 
made are concerned I brought the proof from the official record. 

Mr. SPOONER. What record? 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Document 62, transmitted to us by the 

Mr. SPOONER. What proof? 

Mr. PETTIGREW. That was good proof as against the Ad- 
ministration, but it is not good proof as against the insurgents, 
where there is no other evidence.. Simply the transmission of the 
statement is not good proof. 

Mr. SPOONER. I had supposed until now that an official re- 
port of General Otis was an official document. Am I wrong about 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Does the Senator ask me the question ? 

Mr. SPOONER. Any way. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. It would be Otis's official report, but then 
when Otis undertakes to say that somebody else did something, he 
may believe it, but that is not proof that the other person did it. 


Mr. PETTIGREW. That is the point. 

Mr. SPOONER. That is on the basis of the man 

Mr. PETTIGREW. But further than that, in General Otis's re- 
ports we get fragments of the truth, a censored press, withheld in- 
formation, which gives a false coloring to the facts; and for 
proof of that I refer to the statement signed by the Associated Press 
correspondents and the correspondents of all the newspapers last 
year, which is conclusive. It has not been denied. 

Mr. SPOONER. Conclusive of what? 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Conclusive that Otis did not give us the 
full facts ; that the reports do not cover the whole ground, and 
that they are garbled statements of the truth. 

Mr. SPOONER. That was a very interesting observation the 
first time I heard it, for I have heard the Senator say that a great 
many times. 

I think that Gen. Otis in command over there would have very much 
better facilities for ascertaining accurately the truth than the Senator 
from South Dakota, and, so far as I am concerned in this discussion, 
I take as prima facie established statements in the official documents 
of this Government, and when Gen. Otis embodies this order in a 
report of his and when upon a cablegram he furnishes the name of 
its author, I take the liberty of believing it and of asserting it. The 
fact that this is official puts the burden of proof upon the Senator. 
His facilities for obtaining accurate information over there may be 
better than those of Gen. Otis, but I think not. 

Ail I read that order for is to show that when men glibly talk about 
withdrawing our army from the Philippines they forget that we have 
a solemn duty to discharge there in the protection of the people of 
that city, and they make a proposition which even in the heat of a 
Presidential election can nev'er meet the commendation of the Ameri- 
can people when they stop to consider it. 

Mr. President, I do not intend to spend time in discussing the 
power of this Government to accept the cession of the Philippines, 
I discussed that in the speech which I submitted upon the treaty. 
That we have the power to make war and to make peace is admitted. 
That we have the power in making a treaty of peace, to accept as 
indemnity from a conquered government territory, inhabited or un- 
inhabited, has been settled by the Supreme Court of the United 
States and has been established by the practice of the Government 
from the beginning. 

If it were otherwise, if there were no such provision in the Con- 
stitution as the war-making, the treaty-making power, the fact that 
the framers of this Government created a nation carries with it all 
the elements of sovereignty and all of the elements of national 
power which inhere in national sovereignty anywhere, unless by 
some part of our Constitution it is apparent that those powers were 
intended not to exist. I certainly do not find the limitations con- 
tended for. 

It has been said that this was not a conquest, and a letter from 
Judge Day, written to some person last fall, was cited by one Sen- 


ator, in which it was stated that it was not a conquest, but was a 
purchase. Mr. President, if anything could be plain in the use of 
the English language it is plain from the protocols, printed and 
laid before the Senate, that the United States demanded a cession 
of the Philippines, and that it was yielded to by Spain under protest 
as a conquered power. 

I have the profoumdest respect for Judge Day. He is a man of 
very great ability, a man whose opportunities for accurate knowledge 
upon the subject are better than mine, ot course, but I can read the 
protocols ; I know the history so far as the world knows it ; I know 
the attitude of some of his confreres ; and I am not willing to accept 
the proposition that the acquisition of the Philippines was a mere 
purchase, just as if we had not emerged from a war, and as if this 
were a treaty of purchase instead of being a treaty of peace. Spain 
did not willingly part with that last jewel in her crown which had 
shone there for three hundred and fifty years. It was exacted as 
indemnity, as California was. and became a "ceded conauest." 

Mr. President, it has been said and argued with much of spirit and 
elaboration that we had no power to take the Philippine Archipelago 
without the consent of the inhabitants. If anything is settled in in- 
ternational law, I think it is settled and must be settled that the 
doctrine of " the consent of the governed" can not be made appli- 
cable to inhabited territory exacted from a conquered power at the 
end of a war. 

Mr. Hall, who is one of the ablest writers on international law, 

The principle that the wishes of the population are to be consulted when the 
territory which they inhabit is ceded has not yet been adopted into interna- 
tional law, and can not be adopted into it until title by conquest has disap- 

If that were not true, no Territorial indemnity could ever be ex- 
acted at the end of a war, if it were inhabited, without first obtaining 
the consent of the inhabitants, subjects of the conquered power, 
bound to them by association and ties of different kinds. It would 
be very easy to defeat the demand for indemnity if the inhabitants 
were induced to object. No other government ever has held to that 
doctrine, nor has ours ; and I maintain that the founders of this Gov- 
ernment did not intend that in the essential matter of national and in- 
ternational power it should be below the other governments of the 

Much has been said about the Declaration of Independence, especial 
reference being had to these phrases : 

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal; that 
they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that 
among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure 
these rights governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers 
from the consent of the governed. 

Veneration for the Declaration is universal in this country. Our 
people have been taught from boyhood to revere it. I am not wil- 
ling that those of us who do not find in anything there written ob- 
struction to the performance of what we consider a national duty 
should be charged, without denial, with abandonment of its prin- 
ciples. I can not spend much time upon it. Certainly no phrase in 
it is of more importance than the assertion that "All men are created 

That this is abstractly true I do not deny. That it ever has been 
capable in any country, under any government, of literal application 
or fulfillment no one will assert. That it were universally true all 
good men wish. That it ever will be universally true under gov- 
ernment conducted by men the most optimistic dare not hope. In 
few countries has it been less true than in this Republic. In some 


countries it is quite as true in the practical affairs of life and gov- 
ernment as it is in our own. 

It is not easy to forget that the man who penned those words 
was at the time he wrote them himself the owner of men and 
women and children. True, his mind revolted against the owner- 
ship of human beings by human beings, and later he rranumitted 
his slaves. By his own conduct he construed this declaration as we 
all believe it, but he could not enforce his construction of it among 
his countrymen. 

Some of the men who adopted the Declaration of Independence 
with that clause in it framed the Constitution of the United States, 
and in that Constitution was a recognition of human slavery; not 
only that, b*ut a clause the purpose of which was solely to protect 
human slavery, a clause which the Supreme Court of the United 
States held to sustain the fugitive-slave law, making slave hunters 
of men whose souls revolted not only from that function but from 
the institution itself : a Constitution under the operation of which 
for seventy-five years millions of people — and I do not utter this in 
any spirit of partisanship — were held in shackles; every tie which 
binds a man to wife, to child, to home, possible to be broken ; the 
wife sold away from the husband, the husband sold away from the 
wife ; the daughter, the pet and pride of the cabin, sold to the arms 
of a brute; the little toddling infant the idol of the mother's heart, 
the light of the little plain home, no right there, there by the suffer- 
ance of an owner; and all that was lawful under the Constitution 
of the United States interpreted by the Declaration of Independence. 

To enlarge the application of the declared equality among men 
required at the end of three-quarters of a century, a dreadful strife 
between brothers and friends, an immeasurable sacrifice of life and 
happiness and treasure, and all in violation, as they thought, of that 
■clause of the Declaration. "Governments * * * instituted among 
men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed." 

For, Mr. President, I think the Senator from South Dakota [Mr. 
McCumber] was accurate in his statement the other day that the 
rebellion against the Federal Government was necessarily based pri- 
marily upon this doctrine, "the consent of the governed," involving, 
also, secondarily, the question whether the people of the revolting 
States had not disabled themselves from withdrawing from a Union 
to whose government they objected, that they might establish one 
for themselves which would "derive its just powers from the con- 
sent of the governed." 

Mr. TILLMAN. I had always supposed that the civil war grew 
out of the difference of construction as to whether the Constitution 
was a compact between confederated states or whether it was a 
Union of States that was inseparable under any conditions ; in 
other words, whether we were a confederacy or a nation. 

Mr. SPOONER. In one way that was ii.volved in it. 

Mr. TILLMAN Was not that the only issue involved? 

Mr. SPOONER. No, sir. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Of course slavery 

Mr. SPOONER. If we had been governing you with your con- 
sent, the question never would have arisen. It was because the South 
thought — most of them thought — that there was a purpose on the 
part of the people of the North to invade the rights of the States, 
to interfere with your domestic affairs, which justified you in rev- 
olution, which led your people to say, "We can not be governed 
und^r this Constitution or as members of the Union any more." 


Then arose the question whether the Constitution stood in the way' 
of your assertion of that right of revolution — in other words, of your 
withdrawal of a consent to be governed any longer under the Con- 
stitution by the Federal Government. 

Mr. TILLMAN. The seed of war was sown with the Constitu- 
tion when it was adopted, for the reason that the contention on the 
part of the South of the rights of the States had led to nullifica- 
tion thirty years before the war in the assertion of the right of a 
State not to be governed against its will in certain things by the 
Federal Government. 

Mr. SPOONER. Oh, Mr. President, the seed of war was sown 
in the Constitution. I am not disposed to disagree with the Senator" 
about that. It was sown in the Constitution, I have always thought, 
when political power was given to the owners of human property, 
and when there was put into the hearts and purpose of a part of our' 
people the motive to enlarge the ownership of that property, to in- 
crease it, and to multiply it, thereby under the Constitution acquir- 
ing greater power in the electoral college and in the House of Rep^ 

Mr. TILLMAN. This is a bootless discussion 

Mr. SPOONER. Yes. 

Mr. TILLMAN. And I would not have entered into it but for 
the fact that the Senator turned to me and in a manner somewhat" 
personal made some allusion. 

Mr. SPOONER. I do not think the Senator ought to blame me 
for turning to him. He is a very attractive man. 

Mr. TILLMAN. I thank the Senator. 

Mr. SPOONER. But I did not 

Mr. TILLMAN. Just one other thought, and then I will get our: 
of the Senator's way, if he objects. There never would have been' 
any Constitution or any Union of States but for the recognition of 
those very things which the Senator says were put in there for other" 
purposes. The Southern States, after they had gained their inde- 
pendence from Great Britain, never would have consented to ratify' 
the Constitution or to join the Union but for the recognition of 
that property which had been sent South by the Northern people' 
after it had become of very little use there. We will not go back to- 
those old matters, though. 

Mr. SPOONER. I want to have an understanding with the Sen- 
ator from South Carolina that when I look at him accidentally it does 
not involve a challenge. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Well, if the Senator would not allude to some- 
thing I have already discussed here somewhat — I would say to the 
displeasure of the Senator from Wisconsin — I would not have en- 
tered into this matter at all. I know that is useless for us to go 
over all those old questions. We are face to face with what we 
are to do in t^e Philippines and how wt are to get rid of this war. 

Mr. SPOONER. It is a fact, Mr. President, that by a long and 
bloody war we forced them to remain under a government against 
their consent, to which, thank God, now, I believe, they give uni- 
versal consent, as they give unquestioned loyalty. 

These abstract propositions of the Declaration, as I have said on 
another occasion, were asserted as justification for revolution, and it 
has often happened, and will often happen, that their wider and 
juster application in the practical affairs of this world can only be 
brought about and secured through years of agitation and unrest 
and sometimes through years of bloodshed and strife. But I can 
not dwell longer upon this. 


Time has shown that the President was right, I think, in not 
contenting himself in negotiating the treaty, as I thought at one 
.time he should have been, with taking a cession of Manila. It has 
tbeen abundantly demonstrated that we could not have held Manila 
without great trouble, it being the capital of the, Philippine Archi- 
(pelago, dependent upon the islands for its domestic supplies and its 
commerce. Time and events have afforded abundant justification for 
that. Nor could we have held — I think it has been demonstrated — 
'Luzon alone. In a wor^, I think the judgment of the President and 
'his commissioners that we should take all or none has been over- 
whelmingly vindicated for obvious reasons. 

But it is stoutly contended that Spain, even if we had the power to 
acquire the archipelago, had no power to convey it to us, because she 
,did not possess it. It is said that hers was only a naked legal title, 
so to speak, a paper title, and that the treaty therefore conveyed to 
us no property and only a right of soveieignty; in other words, that 
•it convened to us only people and a few public buildings and works, 
and that while we may acquire territory and exercise sovereignty 
over it incidental to ownership, we can not acquire mere sovereignty. 
'We did not acquire much but sovereignty when we acquired Porto 
Rico, which still is without criticism. 

I am told, Mr. President — and it comes from Mr. MacArthur, who 
was secretary of the Philippine Commission — that by the cession of 
the Philippines we did in fact acquire, as nearly as it can be ascer- 
tained now, crown lands covering about one-third of that vast area. 
Had Spain a title to convey to us? The foundation of the speeches 
of this day upon the Philippine question is the assertion that she had 
not. She had when the war broke out, did she not, Mr. President? 
Will anyone challenge the title and sovereignty of Spain upon the 
first day of May, when Dewey destroyed the Spanish fleet? 

Spain held Manila. Spain held by her troops all of the seacoast and 
■the seaports. Spain held and carried on the municipal governments. 
Spain, everywhere, Mr. President, was in absolute control throughout 
the archipelago as fully as she ever had been. It is vain for any man 
to assert that when the war broke out there was from any stand- 
point any defect in the title and ownership of Spain to the Philippine 
Archipelago. She had it by prescription, and she had it by virtue of 
her possession and her control of it. Even Aguinaldo, in his "True 
'Version, " which contains a number of interesting statements (I hope 
they will not be challenged by my friend from South Dakota [Mr. 
Pettigrew] upon the ground that they are not official), says: 

Spain maintained control of the Philippine Islands for more than three 
centuries and a half, during which period the tyranny, misconduct and abuses 
of the Friars and the civil and military administration exhausted the patience 
of the natives and caused them to make a desperate effort to shake off the un- 
bearable galling yoke on the 26th and 31st of August, 1896, then commencing 
the revolution in the provinces of Manila and Cavite. 

Spain's title had been recognized by the world, including our- 
selves, up to that time. Mere dissatisfaction with the government, 
as suggested by a distinguished Senator here the other day, does not 
work a change of sovereignty; and although Spain had been tyran- 
nical beyond expression, although there had many times been revolts, 
although the people had become desperate in their oppression, every 
revolt had been suppressed, sometimes accompanied by promises of 
reforms and sometimes accompanied by reforms. 

Mr. STEWART. And sometimes by bribery. 

Mr. SPOONER. Yes; sometimes, perhaps, by bribery. It has 
p been said that the insurrection of 1896 was in progress when Dewey 
destroyed the Spanish fleet, and much has been made of a statement 
.contained in a telegram from Mr. Williams, the consul at Manila, 


as to battles, organized forces of insurrectionists, one statement, 1 
remember, being that there were 5,000 armed insurrectionists in the 
vicinity of Manila. It must be remembered that Mr. Williams had 
been there, I think, only about a month. He was obliged to rely upon 
the statements of those with whom he conversed. He was evi- 
dently deceived by the characteristic exaggeration of the Spaniard! 
and the Filipino. 

Another thing, Mr. President; it is very manifest from a perusal' 
of all the documents that, however much he wished to be accurate, 
he was credulous and was led sometimes into misinformation. It is 
not possible upon the facts that there was any organized insur- 
tion in the Philippine Archipelago when the Spanish fleet was de- 
stroyed. Aguinaldo and his associates were in exile. 

When the $400,000 was paid over to Aguinaldo and his associates 
in Hongkong, under the agreement of Biak-na-Bato, by a son of 
Primo de Rivera, that night Rivera ^ave a banquet, at which Agui- 
naldo and his associates and others were present, and at the con- 
clusion of it. the host, having made complimentary allusion to Agui- 
naldo and his associates as Spanish subjects, Aguinaldo, it is stated' 
to me by one who claims to have been present, arose with a wine- 
glass in his hand and proposed a toast to the Queen of Spain as the 
fairest and noblest monarch that had ever lived, coupling the name 
of the young king. That might have been insincere. 

But they were there. Mr. President. We do not know how much' 
money was paid to Aguinaldo. We know that $400,000 were paid. 
We know that the promised payments were part of the consideration 
for which he surrendered his arms and consented to exile. I am not 
to call it a bribe, nor do I say how. much of it, if any, was appro- 
priated by Aguinaldo for purposes of his own. So far as I know, 
I feel no warrant for saying that. In answering indictments against 
the Administration, charging tyranny, with declaring and waging a 
war of subjugation upon a helpless, civilized people, it becomes nec- 
essary to look a little into the evidence upon which these allegations 
are based. One thing is very clear, that not a dollar of that money 
had been expended prior to the time Aguinaldo went to Manila in 
the purchase of arms for the insurrectionists in the archipelago. It 
rather looks as if the insurrection of 1896 was not very much of an 
insurrection in some ways. Aguinaldo speaking of it, says : 

General Polavieja advanced against the revolutionary forces with 16,000 men 
armed with Mausers and one field battery. He had scarcely reconquered half of 
Cavite Province when he resigned, owing to bad health. That was in April, 

Polavieja was succeeded by the veteran Gen. Don Fernando Primo de 
Rivera, who had seen much active service. As soon as Rivera had taken over 
comand of the forces he personally led his army in the assault upon and 
pursuit of the revolutionary forces, and so firmly, as well as humanely, was the 
campaign qonducted, that he soon reconquered the whole of Cavite province 
and drove the insurgents into the mountains. 

Then I established my headquarters in the wild and unexplored mountain 
fastness of Biak-na-bato, where I formed the republican government — 

''Where I formed the republican government" — 

cf the Philippines at the end of May, 1897. 

He formed it, I presume, by proclamation. Then in December 
that insurrection came to an end by the agreement at Biak-na-bato. 
That agreement provided for the payment of certain moneys, for 
certain reforms, for the exile of Aguinaldo and some of his asso- 
ciates, for the surrender of all the arms of the insurrectionists ; and 
that being done, singing of the Te Deum, and after that the pay- 
ment. How many arms were to be surrendered? One thousand' 
stand of arms. Aguinaldo says: 

We, the revolutionaries, discharged our obligation to surrender our arms,. 


which were over 1,000 stand, as everybody fcffows, it having been published 
m the Manila newspapers. 

They have more confidence in Manila newspapers, I think, than 
some people seem to have in newspaper statements in this country 
once in a while. They had surrendered their arms. Aguinaldo says 
so, and therefore from December, the end of the making of that 
treaty and the surrender of the "arms" under it, the Filipinos were 
practically without arms and without an organized insurrection. 

Mr. TILLMAN. I would remind the Senator that some of these 

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from South Carolina 
will suspend. Does the Senator from Wisconsin yield to the Sen- 
ator from South Carolina? 

Mr. SPOONER. Oh, yes. 

Mr. TILLMAN. In some of these official communications in 
Document 62 it is stated that Aguinaldo and those of his lieutenants 
who made that treaty were suspected of treachery, and that a large 
number of his followers did not give up their arms. 

Mr. SPOONER. It is not a question of suspicion; it is a ques- 
tion of fact. We can not get at it absolutely. All we can do is to 
approximate it as nearly as we can. 

Mr. TILLMAN. I only point 

Mr. SPOONER. There is no reason to suppose and, so far as I 
can find, there is nothing in all these papers and all the evidence at 
hand to warrant the assertion that on May 1, when Dewey destroyed 
the Spanish fleet, there was any organized insurrection of any mo- 
ment in the Philippines. There may have been parties of brigands 
and parties of insurgents, but I mean there was no organized insur- 
rection, and Admiral Dewey says in his report that ' there was no 
insurrection to speak of." 

Mr. TILLMAN. The only point, if the Senator will pardon me 
for a moment, is that although our consul, Mr. Williams, may have 
just arrived there and may have been misled, at that time we were at 
peace with Spain and had no reason to suppose we were going to 
war; and his dispatches repeatedly stated that they were fighting 
very near Manila ; that the wounded were brought in daily and all 
that sort of thing, tending to show that there was an insurrection 
going on against the Spanish government at the time when the battle 
of Manila was fought and for two or three months previously. 

Mr. SPOONER. The commission reports and Admiral Dewey 
says that at that time there was "no insurrection to speak of." 

Mr. TILLMAN. There was not near as much as we have got 
on our hands now, I acknowledge. 

Mr. SPOONER. Now, Mr. President, the only arms purchased by 
Aguinaldo for use in the Philippines, that I can find any mention of 
after the agreement of Biak-na-bato, were the 1,999 or the 2,000 which 
he purchased in Hongkong as he was about to leave for Manila; and 
no one. I think, has ground for asserting at all that when Dewey de- 
stroyed the Spanish fleet Spain's power in the Philippines had been in 
the slightest degree affected or impaired by any body of insurgents. 
Aguinaldo obtained some arms from Admiral Dewey. He proclaimed 
quickly, for I can not go into details, a dictatorship. He had some 
trouble at first, as stated by the Senator from Massachusetts and as 
shown by the evidence, in gathering people around him. 

He succeeded, however, in raising a considerable number of men 
— some put it at 30,000 and some at 15,000 — in the vicinity of Ma- 
nila, armed with a comparatively small number of rifles and a large 
number of bolos. It is, of course, impossible to ascertain with cer- 


In "The true version of the Philippine revolution," signed by 
Aguinaldo, and dated Tarlak, September 23, 1899, he refers to three 
battles, which he regarded as "glorious triumphs.". Two hundred 
and seventy Spanish naval infantry were his antagonists in the first 
one. He says : 

The battle raged from 10 a. m. to 3 p. m., when the Spaniards ran out of 
ammunition, and surrendered, with all their arms, to the Filipino revolu- 
tionists, who took their prisoners to Cavite. (Page 24.) 

In commemoration of that "glorious achievement" he hoisted his 
national flag. He adds: 

The second triumph was effected at Binakayan, at a place known as Pol- 
vorin, where the Spanish garrison, consisting of about 250 men, was attacked 
by our raw levies, and surrendered in a few hours, their stock of ammunition 
being completely exhausted. 

Here he again availed himself "of the opportunity to hoist our 
national flag." The third and last of the victories which he chron- 
icles in detail ocurred at about the same time, at Bakoor. He says, 
page 26: 

The garrison consisted of about 300 men, who surrendered to the revolu- 
tionary army when their ammunition was exhausted. 

Not only were these troops of Spain dispirited by the destruc- 
tion of the Spanish fleet, by the war existing between the United 
States and Spain, which rendered it impossible for Spain to send 
reinforcements to them, but they were scant of ammunition, and 
Aguinaldo, moving along through the country, obtaining what arms 
he could — and he bought more later from Hongkong — armed his 
men. Some native troops who had enlisted under the Spanish ban- 
ner deserted. He sent them from place to place in the various 
provinces, not so much to capture Spaniards as to bring about in- 
surrection and revolt in those communities. 

He speaks in general terms of "triumph after triumph" following 
in quick succession, "evidencing the power, resolution and ability 
of the inhabitants of the Philippines to rid themselves of any for- 
eign yoke and exist as an independent state." 

May 24 he declared the dictatorial government and that he had 
assumed the duties and responsibilities of the head of such govern- 

On the 12th of June, by his statement, he proclaimed the inde- 
pendence of the inhabitants of the Philippine Archipelago. Later 
he proclaimed a republic. He adopted a constitution. He had, it 
is said, a congress and an army. It is easy to draft a constitution. 
It is easy for a dictator to appoint members of congress. But the 
evidence satisfies one that they were not representative men. He 
did not hold Manila. He did not hold Iloilo. On the 6th day of 
August, in a proclamation addressed to foreign governments, he 

The said revolution now rules in the provinces of Cavite, Batangas, Mindora, 
Tayabas, Laguana, Morong, Bulacan, Bataan, Pampanga, Nueva J£cija, Tarlac, 
Pangsinan, Union, Infanta, Zambales, and it holds besieged the capital of 

Professor Worcester says of this statement: 

In other words, he claimed to control the Tagalog provinces, and practically 
nothing more. 

It has been urged that there was a government there which we 
in honor ought to have recognized — a Philippine republic. Upon 
what theory can it be contended, on the strength of this proclama- 
tion, in which he certainly did not minimize the extent of his con- 
trol, that there was a Philippine republic, declared by its constitution 
to embrace not only the Tagalog provinces, but the Philippine Ar- 
chipelago. What were its boundaries? 


What was its "government" controlling the Philippine Archipel- 
ago? Did it afford protection to life, to liberty, to property? Was 
it able to discharge the primary duties of a government or internation- 
al obligations — an ability which upon settled principles of internation- 
al law must precede recognition of independence? Can any Senator 
give to the country information going into those details which gov- 
ernments must go into upon such a question, of a government ex- 
isting in the Tagalog provinces or in the Philippines entitled to rec- 
ognition ? 

Buencamino, a former cabinet minister of Aguinaldo, says in a 
recent interview: 

In our independent government the most predominant notes were abuses 
and immoralities, the offspring of ignorance, and the inherited vices of Spain, 
by which the Filipino regime was rendered odious to our people. 

He ought to know. 

The proposition is a fantastic one. It would be a laughable one, 
Mr. President, if there were not constantly based upon it in the 
country the charge of dishonor against this Government as now 

On the 12th day of August the protocol was signed. The proto- 
col embodied terms of temporary peace. Up to that day the sub- 
jects of Spain in the Philippines were in law the enemies of the 
United States, except those individuals who were cooperating with 
us or acting as auxiliaries. There was no Philippine nation. The 
idea that between the last of May and the 12th of August there 
could have been organized by Aguinaldo, honest, if you choose to so 
call him — I will speak of that before I shall have finished — a gov- 
ernment capable of discharging the duties of a government, domestic 
and international, over and of a people who had never known 
any government but Spain ? who never had been permitted to par- 
ticipate in government, is too idle to seriously assert. 

By the protocol it was provided that there should be a suspension 
of hostilities, and in the treaty which was to be negotiated there 
should be settled "the control, disposition, and government of the 
Philippine Archipelago." That was a solemn covenant entered into 
between Spain and the United States. 

On the 13th day of August, in violation of the protocol so far as 
it suspended hostilities, and in ignorance of it, our troops captured 
Manila, with 13,000 Spanish soldiers and their arms. Strictly we 
would have been obliged to restore Manila to the Spanish troops, to 
restore the status quo; but as the protocol provided that we should 
hold Manila pending the negotiation and settlement of the treaty, 
we remained in the city. 

What happened after that? I am not going into the detail of it. 
Aguinaldo sent troops into different parts of Luzon and into some 
of the other islands. He starved out here and there a Spanish regi- 
ment or garrison, their spirit broken, hostilities suspended, the 
future control and government of the Philippines left an open 
question. The Spaniards still held Iloilo. They still held the coast 
cities. They still were able wherever they were in any force to 
maintain themselves against the Filipinos; and it is, to my mind, 
an idle and empty thing to say that during the months which inter- 
vened between the signing of the protocol and the execution of the 
treaty "Aguinaldo conquered the Spaniards." He "conquered" 
where there was no substantial resistance. He simply took posses- 
sion of his own people, his own kith and kin, so far as the Tagal 
provinces were concerned, stirring up insurrection wherever he 
could in other provinces. 

I will not take the time to show the character of his government. 


It is abundantly established that it was not a government of law. 
It is abundantly established that it did not, if it could, and doubtless 
it could not if it would, discharge the primary duties of a govern- 
ment. Property was taken as loot. Liberty was not respected. 
Contributions were enforced everywhere, which went not into his 
treasury, if he had a treasury, but very often went to enrich the men 
who were presiding for him in the communities. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Mr. President 

Mr. SPOONER. And, Mr. President, when Iloilo surrendered, 
Iloilo did not surrender to Aguinaldo. The treaty of peace had been 
entered into, and Spain had instructed General Rios to abandon 
Iloilo and withdraw her garrison into another part of the island. 
Why? Because contingently she had parted with the Philippines, 
and because it was deemed an useless waste of blood to longer con- 
tend there, if contention might arise. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Mr. President 

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from Wisconsin 
yield to the Senator from South Carolina? 

Mr. SPOONER. And before they could evacuate that city and 
one or two other places the insurrectionists attacked them and were 
badly defeated. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Mr. President 

Mr. SPOONER. What is it the Senator wants to ask? 

Mr. TILLMAN. The Senator from Wisconsin is a fair man. and 
I would ask him whether there was any greater disorder in the Phil- 
ippines, as shown by the report of the naval officers traveling through 
the island of Luzon, than might have been supposed inevitable in ; a 
transition from tyranny in the case of a people just released? Nec- 
essarily there were some abuses, but not more than we have wit- 
nessed in all the South American republics. 

Mr. SPOONER. Oh, yes; "just released" from the tyranny of 
Spain, by whom? 

Mr. TILLMAN. Aguinaldo and those who were like him— the 
other Filipinos, of course. 

Mr. SPOONER. Released from the tyranny of Spain by Agui- 
naldo ! But for the advent of Dewey's fleet 

Mr. TILLMAN. Oh, we will not dispute about that. 

Mr. SPOONER. Aguinaldo would still have been in Hongkong 
in all- human probability. 

Mr. TILLMAN. And the Spaniards in Habana. 

Mr. SPOONER. And very likely the Spaniards in Habana. 

Mr. TILLMAN. If we had to run them out. 

Mr. SPOONER. If the Spanish fleet had not happened to be in 
Manila Harbor, but had been found by Dewey on the open sea. the 
Spaniards might not have been in Habana, and yet the Spaniards 
would have remained in the Philippines. That the Spanish fleet was 
destroyed in Manila Harbor, that it happened to be there, was one of 
the fortunes or accidents of war. 

The suggestion that the liberation of the Philippine Archipelago 
from Spain was wrought by Aguinaldo. is stated in this book by him, 
but it ought not to be stated, here. In the Philippines, .as in Cuba, 
the lion in the pathway of Spain was not the insurrectionists. • It 
was the XJnjted States ; but when the Spaniards evacuated Iloilo-. they 
did, it because we, haying conquered Spain, having destroyed the 
power of Spain practically in, the Philippines, she surrendered them 
to us. It was because of our power, not Aguinaldo's, and after the 
Spaniards had marched; out Aguinaldo marched in-. ■ ■-.• That is ;all 
there was of it. There was no conquest about it. 


Men talk about our waging a war of conquest against the Philip- 
pine republic or people. We have done no such thing. We did not 
obtain the Philippines, to which I think we have a perfect title, by 
any conquest of the so-called Philippine republic, by any conquest of 
the Philippine people; but by conquest of Spain. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Mr. President 

Mr. SPOONER. And, Mr. President, I appeal to the American 
people if it be not true that the inspiration and thought which led 
the President and the Senate to take that cession, and the country to 
approve it, was that thereby we could more effectually liberate the 
Philippine people from Spain and more easily lift them up from the 
blighting and paralyzing effect of long-continued Spanish tyranny. 

What does the Senator from South Carolna want? 

Mr. TILLMAN. If the Philippine people are not subjugated, and 
are not being subjugated, why have we to keep 65,000 men there, 
and why have they been fifteen months passing from point to point 
in the islands, shooting down and killing wherever they were op- 
posed, and yet to-day, in this morning's dispatches, we are told that 
our Army is withdrawing from the interior to the coast towns dur- 
ing the rainy season, of course simply because the opposition and 
hatred of the people is such that it can not be said that they are any 
thing else but rebels, fighting for their liberty, whatever that may 

Mr. SPOONER. Mr. President, "Rebels fighting for their liber- 
ty !" We acquired title to the Philippine Archipelago from Spain. 

Mr. TILLMAN. That is a legal question. 

Mr. SPOONER. The resolution of the Senator from Georgia 
[Mr. Bacon] recognizes that, and is based upon that. That treaty 
has been said to have been a declaration of war. Was it? If so, 
the men who are making that charge and imputing to the ratifi- 
cation of that treaty the ensuing hostilities ought not to do so. That 

Mr. TILLMAN. The declaration of war was the proclamation 
of the President issued in December, in which he declared the pur- 
pose of this Government was to benevolently assimilate the Philippine 

Mr. SPOONER. The President did not issue any proclamation in 

Mr. TILLMAN. The Senator has studied the question; very 
thoroughly, but he is mistaken there. 

Mr. SPOONER. I think not. 

Mr. TILLMAN. General Otis said he took the liberty of cen- 
soring or leaving out some things in the President's proclamation 
which he thought might precipitate a conflict. 

Mr. SPOONER. General Otis never took anything out of the 
"proclamation" of the President. 

Mr. TILLMAN. General Otis says so himself. 

Mr. SPOONER. He does not say so himself, as I remember. 
The Senator is mistaken. 

Mr. TILLMAN. I can prove that he did. 

Mr. SPOONER. Mr. President, why is it that we have 65,000 
troops in the Philippines, if that is the number? Why is it that we 
have been pressing forward and forward? What is it for? To 
subjugate an independent people? No. It is to enforce the author- 
ity of the United States over territory which we acquired. 

Mr. Bacon rose. 

Mr. SPOONER. Does the Senator wish to interrupt me? 

Mr. BACON. Not until the Senator finishes his sentence. 

Mr. SPOONER. I have done. 


Mr. BACON. I dislike to interrupt the Senator and would not 
do so except that his allusion to me has been direct, and my silence 
might be misconstrued. 

M. SPOONER. I would not misconstrue my friend's silence. 

Mr. BACON. But others might. I do not think the Senator from 
Wisconsin would. 

The Senator argued as to the title of the United States and dis- 
puted the fact that it is in any manner based upon conquest.. While 
he does not say so directly, his remark would evidently leave the 
impression, in referring to the resolution offered by myself, that 
a similar basis of title was recognized by me. I desire to say to 
the Senator — and I beg his pardon for the interruption, for I pur- 
posed not to interrupt him — that my position with regard to that 
matter is this: I do think that the Government of the United 
States now has a good title. I think that title was based also upon 
a purchase of a very imperfect title, which has since been made good 
by the United States Army by conquest. 

Mr. SPOONER. I asserted that it was a conquest from Spain. 

Mr. BACON. The Senator 

Mr. SPOONER. I am not controverting anything the Senator 
has said. 

Mr. BACON. I do not understand that reply as being intended 
for me. 


Mr. BACON. I could not interrupt the Senator at the time he 
made the statement, because he passed so suddenly to another point. 
I will not, however, interrupt the Senator further. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Mr. President 

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Gallinger in the chair). 
Does the Senator from Wisconsin yield to the Senator from South 

Mr. SPOONER. I hope che Senator will not interrupt me at 
this moment. 

Mr. TILLMAN. If the Senator had not called in question my 
statement I would not do so. 

Mr. SPOONER. What is it the Senator desires? 

Mr. TILLMAN. I have here the report of Maj. Gen. E. S. Otis 
on the military operations and civil affairs in the Philippine Islands, 
and on page 66 he makes this statement: 

After fully considering the President's proclamation and the temper of the 
Tagalos, with whom I was daily discussing political problems and the friendly 
intentions of the United States Government toward them, I concluded that 
there were certain words and expressions therein, such as "sovereignty," 
"right of cession," and those which directed immediate occupation, etc., 
though most admirably employed and tersely expressive of actual conditions, 
might be advantageously used by the Tagalo war party to incite widespread 
hostilities among the natives. 

The ignorant classes had been taught to believe that certain words as "sov- 
ereignty," "protection," etc., had peculiar meaning disastrous to their wel- 
fare and significant of future political domination, like that from which they 
had recently been freed. It was my opinion, therefore, that I would be justi- 
fied in so amending the paper that the beneficent object of the United States 
Government would be brought clearly within the comprehension of the people, 
and this conclusion was the more readily reached because of the radical 
change of the past few days in the constitution of Aguinaldo's government, 
which could not have been understood at Washington at the time the procla- 
mation was prepared. 


The amended proclamation was thereupon prepared, and fearing that General 
Miller would give publicity to the former, copies of which, if issued, would 
be circulated soon in Luzon, I again dispatched Lieutenant-Colonel Potter 
to Iloilo, both to ascertain the course of events there and to advise the com- 
manding general of the dangers threatening in Luzon, and which might be 
augmented if any action was taken which the insurgents could make use of 


in furtherance of their unfriendly designs. General Miller thought his action 
in making publication of the proclamation on January 3 correct, as he had 
not been instructed to the contrary, and his opinion, he contended, was con- 
firmed by a War Department dispatch which I had directed Colonel Potter to 
deliver to him, and which he had received on January 6. He was satisfied 
that the use he had made of the proclamation was that contemplated by the 
War Department authorities, but it was not long before it was delivered at 
Malolos and was the object of venomous attack. 

Mr. SPOONER. Does the Senator intend to read that whole 

Mr. TILLMAN. Oh, no. I simply wish to prove what I 
stated, that General Otis amended President McKinley's proclama- 
tion; that he took out certain words and substituted others, and 
sent that amended proclamation to General Miller at Iloilo. He had 
previously sent the original document to Miller, and Miller had 
printed the document as the President had sent it to the Filipinos; 
and that is the way it got out. These are the facts. The Senator 
disputed them a moment ago. 

Mr. SPOONER. Yes; and I dispute them now. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Then the lie, if there be one, rests on General 
Otis, and not on me. 

Mr. SPOONER. Oh, there is no lie about it. 

Mr. TILLMAN. There are the facts, taken from the official re- 
port; and if you dispute that, I will not state anything more about 
the reports of anybody. 

Mr. SPOONER. What I mean to say was this: That what is 
called a proclamation there — and the records at the War Department 
show it — was not a proclamation by the President at all, but was 
a letter of instructions issued by the President to the Secretary of 
War, which was to be sent to General Otis to govern him in the 
discharge of his duties in the Philippines. 

Mr. TILLMAN. And as outlining the policy of this Government 
toward the Filipinos. 

Mr. SPOONER. General Otis carried out the President's in- 
structions as General Otis thought best, not using in the proclama- 
tion which General Otis did issue the language of the President. 
That is all there is of that. 

Mr. TILLMAN. General Otis himself says that he amended the 

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from South Caro- 
lina will please address the Chair. Does the Senator from Wiscon- 
sin yield to the Senator from South Carolina? 

Mr. SPOONER. Mr. President, the paper speaks for itself; I 
have seen it at the War Office; and when the Senator examines 
it, he will see that it was not a proclamation ; that it was not in- 
tended to be a proclamation. It was nothing the President sent for 
publication to the Philippine people, but it was a letter of instruc- 
tions from the President to the Secretary of War, to be by him for- 
warded to General Otis for his government, upon which General Otis 
issued a proclamation to the people, explaining his failure to obey 
in some respects the instructions of the President. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Will the Senator be kind enough to incorporate 
the letter or proclamation or whatever it was in his speech. 

Mr. SPOONER. What proclamation? 

Mr. TILLMAN. The proclamation that General Otis issued 
after he received it from President McKinley, only taking out of it 
three or four words. 

Mr. SPOONER. The Senator will be incorporated in my speech 
pretty soon. [Laughter.] 

Mr. TILLMAN. If the Senator dislikes my interrupting, I will 


promise not to trespass any more, no matter how much he treads on 
my toes; but I simply could not sit silent here. 

Mr. SPOONER. I do not ask that. 

Mr. President, we accepted the cession ; we ratified the treaty ; we 
acquired, so far as the treaty could give it to us, the Philippine 
Archipelago; Congress appropriated $20,000,000; there was fight- 
ing and has continued to be fighting in the Philippines; our troops 
were involved in contest with the Filipinos, and Congress knowing 
that tact passed a military bill providing for a vast increase in the 

It was perfectly understood that a large part of that force, so 
much as the President might deem necessary, was to be sent to the 
Philippines. That very law mentions the Philippines as a place 
in which troops were to serve. What was the President to do but 
to send troops to the Philippines, Mr. President, and to enforce 
there the authority of the United States? Could he hesitate, under 
his oath, upon the assumption that there was any doubt as to our 
title ? 

One of the strange phases of this matter now is that men who 
voted to furnish troops for the President to send to the Philippines 
criticise him for sending them and criticise him for using them. He 
was obliged to take it as settled that we had acquired the Philip- 
pine Archipelago; that it was his duty to extend the authority of 
the United States over that archipelago; and he has done so. He 
notified Congress by his annual message that until Congress indi- 
cated a purpose otherwise he should continue to use the troops of 
the United States in enforcing the authority of this Government in 
the Philippines. Had he not done so, Mr. President, all things con- 
sidered, criticism could have been made of him which would have 
been unanswerable. 

Some one asked the other day why the President did not bring 
about a cessation of hostilities. Upon what basis could he have 
brought about a cessation of hostilities? Should he have asked 
Aguinaldo for an armistice? If so, upon what basis should he 
have requested it? What should he say to him? "Please stop this 
fighting?" "What for," Aguinaldo would say, "do you propose to 
retire?" "No." "Do you propose to grant us independence?" "No, 
not now." "Well, why, then, an armistice?" The President would 
doubtless be expected to reply: "Some distinguished gentlemen in 
the United States, members of the United States Senate, and others, 
have discovered a doubt about our right to be here at all,_ some 
doubt whether we have acquired the Philippines, some question as 
to whether we have correctly read the Declaration of Independence; 
and 1 want an armistice until we can consult and determine finally 
whether we have acquired the Philippines or not, whether we are 
violating the Declaration of Independence or not, whether we are 
trampling upon the Constitution or not." That is practically the 

No, Mr. President, men may say in criticism of the President 
what they choose. He has been grossly insulted in this Chamber, 
and it appears upon the record. He has gone bis way patiently, ex- 
ercising the utmost forbearance, all his acts characterized by a de- 
sire to do precisely what the Congress had placed upon him by its 
ratification of the treaty and its increase of the Army. He has 
done it in a way to impress upon the Filipinos, so far as language 
and action could do it, his desire and the desire of our people to do 
them good, to give them the largest possible measure of liberty, 
civil, religious, and individual, and to give them, as rapidly as may 
be, participation in the government out there. 


He has done it all in disregard of hostile criticism, embarrass- 
ment, and complication of the situation vastly intensified and en- 
hanced here at home ; but he has done what under his oath he was 
obliged to do. He has gone forward with the Army of the United 
States and the flag of the United States to enforce the authority of 
the United States and ot/edience to it oyer territory of the United 
States, Any President of any party, if faithful to his high trust, 
could not have done otherwise. 

Wednesday, May 23, igoo. 

Mr. SPOONER. Mr. President, I regret exceedingly that it was 
impossible for me yesterday to conclude the remarks which I desire 
to submit upon this tyll, and I express again my grateful sensibility 
to the Senate for the courtesy which permits me to conclude to-day. 
No one could be more anxious than I am, for personal reasons, to 
yield the floor to others. 

I had referred to the protocol of August 12. It changed the entire 
status. What I mean by that is this : After the protocol was signed, 
agreeing to the suspension of hostilities, providing for a relinquish- 
ment of the title to Cuba and the cession of Porto Rico to the United 
States, it declared that the United States should hold and occupy 
Manila pending the negotiation of the treaty, which should define 
or settle "the control, disposition, and government of the Philip- 
pine Archipelago." We here bound ourselves by a contract with 
Spain, as solemn a covenant as one nation ever entered into with 
another. All compacts between nations rest upon honor, but this 
was of peculiar force, for the reason that a powerful nation was 
making covenant with one defeated. From the day that the pro- 
tocol was entered into we were bound to hold Manila. If we had 
not, in the absence of knowledge of the protocol by our officers, 
captured it, by the terms of it Spain would have surrendered it to 
us and our troops would have taken possession of it. 

It is not difficult, I think, to understand that Spain desired we 
should occupy Manila. It was to secure protection to Manila and to 
the people of Manila. Senators who criticise, as many have and as 
many will, the Administration and Gen. Otis for objecting to a 
joint occupation of Manila by Aguinaldo and our own troops, 
predicated upon the demand that he withdraw his troops from the 
suburbs, as an injustice to an ally forget that we could not have 
permitted an insurgent against Spain, pending the negotiation of 
that treaty, to occupy Manila and its suburbs with us without a 
breech of national faith. 

Nor is that all. It was said here the other day that the United 
States ought to have recognized, before the protocol was entered 
into, the independence of the Philippine republic, with Aguinaldo at 
its head. I will not go further into that at this time. I commented 
upon it yesterday. To me it is utterly fantastic in its folly from 
the standpoint of international law, and in this case from the stand- 
point of justice and national honor. 

Those people had already shown that they had no conception of 
what was necessary to constitute a government. Agoncillo, back in 
April, had approached one of our consuls — I do not remember which 
— as a representative of a "Philippine republic" proclaimed the year 
before at Biak-na-Bato, proffering to the United States, as war with 
Spain seemed possible at least, a treaty of alliance, offensive and 
defensive, with neither government, laws, troops, flag, seaport, nor 
any visible power under the sun. 

Mr. President. I call attention to this effect of the protocol ; no 
matter what government had been established in the Philippine 


Archipelago, from the day the protocol was signed the Government 
of the United States could not without dishonor have recognized it. 
That protocol tied the hands of the United States and Hed the 
hands of Spain. Until the ratification of the treaty we could consent 
to no change of status. Spain could create no change of status. 
From the moment that international obligation, informal in a way 
as it was, had been entered into Spain could not have sold the 
Philippines to any government in the world. We could not attack a 
Spanish garrison, for hostilities had been suspended. We could rec- 
ognize no government, whatever it might be, created by insurgents 
against Spain or in any other way, for it remained an open question, 
so far as the legal effect of the protocol was concerned, whether at 
the end of the negotiations Spain might not still hold the Philip- 

It has been said that until hostilities broke out Aguinaldo was our 
ally. Senators have treated the performances of Aguinaldo after 
'August 12, 1898, the date of the protocol, as acts done in aid of 
our cause, acts done as an ally of ours. That, Mr. President, is 
an impossibility. We could not, as I say, have fired a shot at a 
Spanish soldier or at the Spanish flag anywhere in the Philippine 
Archipelago, for by agreement hostilities were suspended. No more 
could Aguinaldo do this as an ally of ours or acting in our interest 
or by our procurement, for we could not honorably do through an- 
other what it would be a breach of honor to do ourselves. 

Aguinaldo knew of the protocol, for he was informed in writing by 
General Otis and General Anderson that the protocol had created 
international relations and obligations between Spain and ourselves 
which we must observe, and which we could not observe if we 
entered into such an agreement as he proposed. 

So it must be taken as settled, it can not be escaped, that from 
the date of the protocol, whatever Aguinaldo did against Spain in 
the archipelago he did on his own account, and not for the United 
States, and he did little. As I said yesterday, he simply marched in 
where Spain marched out in certain places, Iloilo having been aban- 
doned by order of the Spanish Government, Aguinaldo's forces 
having been unable to take it, after the demand for the cession had 
been made by our commissioners and after Spain had yielded to it:. 

Another thing about it, Mr. President. If Aguinaldo had by his 
troops, after the protocol, captured Iloilo and other cities and ex- 
tended his military power throughout the Philippines, it is very diffi- 
cult, as a matter of international law, to see that that could 
have been efficacious for him or his so-called government as against 
us. The status could not be changed there by him except in hostility 
both to Spain and to us, and the principle contended for is not to be 

It might be dangerous in the future to establish the principle that 
when two great powers engaged in a war with each other, have sus- 
pended hostilities pending negotiation of a treaty of peace a part of 
the citizens of one, inhabiting the territory, can take possession of the 
municipal governments which have been erected, can take possession 
of abandoned cities, starve out scattered and disheartened- garrisons, 
and then, when the treaty is concluded, defeat the power of cession 
or a power of acceptance upon the theory that in the meantime no- 
body opposing them they had created an "independent government."" 

I take it that if there had been no insurrction in Cuba and our 
people had gone to war with Spain upon, a casus belli of our own — 
if you please, the destruction of the Maine — and that war had pro- 
ceeded to an end, we had captured Santiago, and captured Habana, 
the Spanish fleet had destroyed a city or two of ours and then been 


sent by our Navy to the bottom, and in treaty of peace Spain had 
ceded Cuba to the United States, and in the meantime, pending nego- 
tiation of the treaty, the inhabitants of Cuba without resistance, 
under the leadership of some chieftain, had taken possession of in- 
terior posts, had starved out here and there a Spanish garrison, had 
issued proclamation of independence and established in that way a 
government— call it a republic or call it what you choose — and then 
had insisted that Spain had lost the power of cession because of the 
existence of a government formed in this way, the United States 
would have paid no attention to it. The nations of the world never 
could allow this doctrine, for all that would be necessary to defeat 
at the end of a war a cession by way of conquest would be for the 
ceding or defeated nation to bring about such a change in the status 
pending negotiations as it is alleged came about here. 

Mr. HALE. Mr. President 

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Piatt of Connecticut). Does 
the Senator from Wisconsin yield to the Senator from Maine? 

Mr. SPOONER. I do. 

Mr. HALE. I wish to remind the Senator that precisely the sit- 
uation he has depicted has occurred time and again in history— 
that where as the result of a war a colony or an island or a de- 
pendency has been turned over to the conquering power, the con- 
quering power, rinding just the difficulties that he has cited, has 
abandoned it and been glad to wash its hands of it. 

Mr. SPOONER. Does the Senator think in the case I have put 
we would have abandoned Cuba? 

Mr. HALE. I think if it had been the best thing final 1 y for us to 
do we would have done it. 

Mr. SPOONER. But, because it would have been the best thing, 
finally, not because we were obliged to do it. 

Mr. HALE. I think if we had found that the population in Cuba 
was as hostile to us as it had been to the power from which we had 
got the government, and if we had had the cession made to us, we 
would have abandoned it and would have been glad to get rid of it. 

Mr. SPOONER. Well, that is a matter of opinion. I am of the 
impression that with Cuba lying so near us, with all the trouble 
which had come to us from her proximity and the tyranny of Spain 
in Cuba, the United States in the case I have put would have taken 
Cuba and held it, giving to the people of Cuba what they never had 
had before, individual liberty and good government. 

Mr. HALE. The Senator has more confidence than I have in the 
experiment we are trying to-day of teaching to the people of Cuba 
honesty and good government and good management and good af- 
fairs. I do not sympathize with him in the belief that this people 
has gained anything thus far in what it has taught the Cubans. I 
think we would have been better off if we had not taught the Cubans 
the lesson that has been taught in the last few months. 

Mr. SPOONER. What lesson? 

Mr. HALE. The lesson of fraud, peculation, appropriation of 
revenues, cheating, stealing — a carnival in every direction of cor- 
ruption and fraud. I think it would have been very much better 
if we had not taught those people or tried to teach those people this. 

Mr. SPOONER. It is a little tiresome for me to be called upon 
on this side of the Chamber to reply to a Democratic speech. 

Mr. HALE. The Senator is not making any allusion of that kind 
to me? 

Mr. SPOONER. I made this allusion because of the very general 
language of the Senator, not to impeach his loyalty to the party, 
which is unimoeachablc. 


Mr. HALE. I am as good a Republican as the Senator from Wis- 
consin. bn& 

Mr. SPOONER. I understand that. 

Mr. HALE. 1 do not recognize any line of fealty to party obliga- 
tion that compels me to consent to the proposition that everything 
has gone right in Cuba. 

Mr. SPOONER.' Nobody pretends it.: 

Mr. HALE. I think the experiment has been a failure. I would 
vote to-morrow, Republican or Democrat, to withdraw from Cuba 
and leave that people to establish and set up and maintain their own 
government. I would keep the proposition that was put into the 
declaration of war and leave the people there, and there is nothing 
that has happened since that goes to remove that impression from 
me. I do not understand that that is a question of party fealty. 

I tell the Senator that he has no right, when I get up and protest 
against things that have occurred, to declare that I am making a 
Democratic speech. I am making a Republican speech, and the time 
will come, Mr. President, when Republicans will be glad if we get 
out of this thing without worse things happening than are happen- 
ing now. In what I say I am more interested for the Republican 
party than I. am for anything else. 

Mr. SPOONER. Will the Senator allow me to interrupt him for 
a question ? 

Mr. HALE. Certainly. 

Mr. SPOONER. What does the Senator mean when he speaks 
in general terms about a carnival of fraud? 
Mr. HALE. And corruption. 
Mr. SPOONER. And corruption in Cuba. 
Mr. HALE. I mean the things disclosed. 

Mr. SPOONER. What things? I should like the Senator to file 
a bill of particulars. 

Mr. HALE. I do not need to do that ; it has been done already. 
Mr. SPOONER. That is what the Senator means then by his 
statement that under our Administration in Cuba there has been a 
carnival of fraud and corruption, is it? 

Mr. HALE. Now, Mr. President, it is not the Administration 
which is at fault. It is the natural result. There never has been 
an instance of the setting up of supreme government and uncon- 
trolled government in a colony or an outside dependency that has 
not been attended with precisely the things that we have seen in 

In the early days of England in India the scenes of the days 
of Clive and of Warren Hastings were precisely, on a larger scale, 
what we have seen, and they disrupted the English Government; 
they turned out ministries and put in other ministries, because the 
English people would not allow the thing to be done. It is an inci- 
dent. We are at fault; Congress is much at fault. The Adminis- 
tration is not at fault. The Administration has selected men who 
were believed to be good men — Major Rathbone, Mr. Neely, and 
other men — but the situation is such that we are simply seeing what 
has always been, seen when this experiment has been tried. 

We went into" it with utter confidence, believing that it was an 
easy thing. I did not believe it was an easy thing. I voted against 
the treaty of peace because I believed it would lead to just these 
things. I believed that colonial dependencies and annexation would 
result in precisely what they have resulted in. I am glad to see 
that the Administration is trying to cure it, but I do not want any- 
body to say that it is an unexpected thing. 


Mr. SPOONER. Mr. President, so far as anything I said is 
concerned, the Senator's observations are, in the language of 

But a bolt ot nothing, shot at nothing. 

I was not engaged, and am not, in the discussion of any proposi- 
tion to which the Senator's observations are pertinent. I was no 
more anxious to go into war with Spain than was the Senator. 
But when a Senator can see, looking at our relations with Guba, no 
difference between the flag of the United States in Cuba and the 
flag of England under Give in India, he is troubled, to my mind, 
in some degree with mental obliquity. What is the difference? We 
went to war to free Cuba. Have we done Cuba and the Cubans no 
kindness, Mr. President, by pouring out millions of our money and 
shedding the blood of our soldiers in order to drive Spanish tyranny 
forever from Cuba? Has the Senator any suspicion in his mind 
that the pledge made in the resolution passed by Congress as to the 
temporary character of our occupation in Cuba is not to be kept? 

Mr. HALE. I have. 

Mr. SPOONER. Kept not simply to the letter, but kept in spirit? 
Mr. HALE. I have very grave suspicion, Mr. President. I am 
glad the Senator has asked that question. 

Mr. SPOONER. Then, Mr. President, the Senator is a pessimist, 
beyond any I have ever met. 

Mr. HALE. Now, let me say to the Senator I think there are 
very powerful influences in this country ; I think they are largely 
located in New York City ; I think they are largely speculative and 
connected with money-making enterprises that are determined that 
we shall never give up Cuba. I think there is a dangerous cloud 
in the sky ; I think the time will never come, unless something ear- 
nest and drastic is done by Congress, when the last soldier of the 
United States will be withdrawn from Cuban soil. I do not think 
the President favors that. 

Mr. SPOONER. Favors what? 

Mr. HALE. Holding on to Cuba. I do not think the Secretary 
of War favors that. I discover (and the Senator has different ap- 
prehensions from mine if he does not discover) very powerful in- 
fluences — commercial, mercantile, money influences, and political 
influences — that are opposed to our ever withdrawing from Cuba. I 
take up the newspapers, as the Senator may, that are foremost in the 
large cities, in favor of the general programme ;vhich is now going 
on, and not only do I not find a single intimation or hint that we 
are to withdraw from Cuba, but I find every day intimations and 
hints that we are never to withdraw from Cuba. 

The Senator must not exclude from his enlightened ihitiH the 
things that are in the public mind. No matter whether he denies it 
or not, I am profoundly impressed and profoundly depressed Dy the 
fact that I find in hundreds of quarters a determination that we shall 
never withdraw from Cuba, but shall retain her as a possession of 
the United States. 

Mr. SPOONER. Now, Mr. President, it is hardly fair for the 
Senator to interject his speech in my remarks upon the Philippines. 

Mr. HALE. I was simply answering the proposition of the 

Mr. SPOONER. If I were, as the Senator says he is, inclined to 
doubt for one moment that the United States Government will 
seasonably withdraw from Cuba, I should be ashamed of the Gov- 

Mr. HALE. Mr. President 

Mr. SPOONER. Now, I wish to go on. 


Mr. HALE. That assurance from the Senator more than repays 
me for all that I have said. I shall count upon him in the future. 

Mr. SPOONER. To say that the Senator will count upon me 
in the future is little less than an insult. 

Mr. HALE. Oh, no. 

Mr. SPOONER. For it implies, Mr. President, that but for my 
assertion the Senator had doubt if I might not be willing to see 
violated the pledge given by the Government. 

Mr. HALE. Mr. President 

Mr. SPOONER. He does not so mean it. 

Mr. HALE. The Senator knows 

Mr. SPOONER. I know he does not so mean it. 

Mr. HALE. He knows I do not mean it, but I was very glad to 
hear that assurance from the Senator. 

Mr. SPOONER. He need not have been. 

Mr. HALE. I say it is not every man that feels that way. 

Mr. SPOONER. I hope there is no man in the United States 
who does not feel that way. 

Mr. HALE. I am glad to hear the Senator say that. 

Mr. SPOONER. This is a Government of honor, Mr. President, 
and it is a people of honor. The people of the United States did 
not go to war to free Cuba, pouring out the Mood of its sons, know- 
ing not what bitter fruitage the war might bring to them, without 
a conscience, without love of liberty; and when the Senator ex- 
presses a fear that the conscience of the people of the United States, 
their desire to keep the pledge of this Government, will be lulled 
to slumber by the power of commercialism he degrades the people 
and underestimates, in my judgment, their integrity. 

Mr. HALE. Still, I am afraid of it. 

Mr. SPOONER. What have we done for Cuba? When, since 
the morning stars first sang together in the heavens, has any peo- 
ple done for another people what we have done for Cuba? And, 
Mr. President, as rapidly as may be, in absolute good faith, not being 
hurried by demagogy, not being speeded in violation of national 
honor by insinuation and mere politics in a Presidential election, 
this Administraton will, I am certain, go forward to redeem to its 
utmost the pledge to Cuba. 

We have given the best government to the people of Cuba thus 
far it ever had. We have given to the people of Cuba a government 
the like of which they never could have had without our interven- 
tion. We have changed their criminal laws so that now a man 
can not be thrown into a dungeon and detained indefinitely without 
right of counsel. We have ameliorated in every way by military 
order conditions there in the administration of justice which were 
dreadful. We have maintained order in Cuba. Every man's life 
is safe in Cuba. Woman's honor is safe in Cuba. Tyranny and 
starvation have gone forever out of Cuba. Who is responsible for 
it? This "commercial" people who possibly may care nothing for 
its honor and its pledges ! 

Of course, Mr. President, there has been peculation in Cuba. 
Everyone regrets it ; no one more than I. Everyone is ashamed of 
it. But in no government ever instituted has that not occurred. It 
has happened in Georgia. It has happened in New Orleans. 

Mr. TILLMAN. It happened all over the South when the car- 
petbaggers had it. 

Mr. SPOONER. Yes; and it has happened since the carpetbag 
governments. It happens in banks. I doubt not it has happened in 
Maine. Governments must be conducted by human agencies. There 
is no company which can guarantee the honesty of purpose of em- 


ployees of the Government. If the Senator had listened to the very 
able and eloquent and entirely frank speech of the Senator from 
Connecticut (Mr. Platt), I think he would have been satisfied that 
instead of there having been or being a carnival of corruption in 
Cuba there was a discovery of certain frauds in the postal service 
by the Administration, followed up by the Administration, made 
public by the Administration, and that the Administration is doing 
everything in its power to put the men who were guilty of it behind 
the bars. The government in Cuba is a military one. It rarely hap- 
pens that an officer of the Regular Army in administration any- 
where is not prudent, careful, and honest; and that administration 
ought not to be charged by general phrase, as the Senator seems to 
charge it, with permitting a general, almost universal, carnival of 
fraud in Cuba. 

No. Mr. President, no one thinks, so far as I know, of violating 
our pledge to Cuba. We were to pacify the island; and, a little 
more than that, which Spain demanded that we should put in the 
treaty, as we were to occupy Cuba, that so long as we occupied it 
or remained there as a military occupant we would discharge the 
duties imposed by international law upon a military occupant, which, 
largely stated, is the protection of life and property and liberty. 
Spain insisted upon that not out of regard solely to the insurgents, 
but to safeguard the interest and protection of the loyal Spaniards 
who had lived there, and, as the treaty puts it, of the natives who 
have remained loyal to Spain. 

Mr. Hale rose. 

Mr. SPOONER. Now, Mr. President, I beg the Senator not to 
interrupt me 

Mr. HALE. All right. 

Mr. SPOONER. For I am proceding under embarrassment; 
not any embarrassment from what the Senator has said to me, but 
physical disability. 

Keeping in mind our obligations to the people of Cuba — those 
who were insurgents and those who were Spaniards — we will see 
t© it that just as soon as it can safely be done a government is 
formed there and turned over to that peoole. I say "we" will see 
to it. I speak for no one here but myself, I can say with confidence 
that we will see to it, because of my implicit faith in the honor of 
the people of the United States. It never will turn out, my friend 
from Maine, that any man in any country can point to the Teller 
resolution and say with truth that it was a legislative lie. 

Mr. HALE. I hope so. 

Mr. SPOONER. The Senator need not hope so. He had better 
know so. 

Mr. HALE. I do not know. 

Mr. SPOONER. Well, he ought to know. 

Mr. President, I have been beguiled by the Senator from Maine, 
is I am always beguiled by him, away from the matter which I was 

I return to the line of my argument when interrupted and re- 
peat, under all the circumstances and conditions in the Philippines, 
the attempted establishment of a government without substantial op- 
position by Aguinaldo after the protocol would give in international 
law no foundation for its recognition, and would create no obligation 
of recognition by us in any event. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Mr. President 

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from Wisconsin 
yield to the Senator from South Carolina? 

Mr. TILLMAN. Unless it is entirely agreeable to the Senator I 













will allow me. 









will not interrupt him because he is unwell, but the subject he is 

now discussing 

Mr. SPOONER. If the Senator will state what it is that he de- 
sires to know, I shall beglad to hear it. 

Mr. TILLMAN. It is in connection with the very subject upon 
which you have had the discussion with the Senator from Maine 
[Mr. Hale]. I will call the Senator's attention to the resolution to 
which he has been addressing himself. 
Mr. SPOONER. What resolution? 
Your bill, then. 

I will get to that bill presently. 
You were discussing that bill. 
I will get to that. 

But you will not get to that phase of it. 
I will get to every phase of it, if the Senator 

I hope the Senator will not shut me off just 

I wish to call the attention of the Senate and 
the Senator to the phraseology of the bill introduced by him. It 
reads : 

That when all insurrection against the sovereignty and authority of the Unit- 
ed States in the Philippine Islands, acquired from Spain by the treaty con- 
cluded at Paris on the tenth day of December, eighteen hundred and ninety- 
eight, shall have been completely suppressed by the military and naval forces 
of the United States, all military, civil, and judicial powers necessary to gov- 
ern the said islands shall, until otherwise provided by Congress, be vested 
in such person and persons, and shall be exercised in such manner as the 
President of the United States shall direct for maintaining and protecting the 
inhabitants of said islands in the free enjoyment of their liberty, property, and 

Now, with the Senator's permission, I will direct his attention to 
the effect of that bill if it becomes a law. We are under obligations 
in Cuba to establish a government there and turn it over to its own 

Mr. SPOONER. I am through with Cuba. 

Mr. TILLMAN. I think the Senator ought to have enough confi- 
dence in my integrity of purpose here to allow me to state my point. 

Mr. SPOONER. I cannot resist the Senator. 

Mr. TILLMAN. I was calling attention to the difference between 
Cuba and the Philippines. We are now in Cuba under military 
law, and the President is omnipotent inside the Constitution, as some 
Senators contend, and some contend that the Constitution does not 
bind him. In the Philippines the Senator proposes that the Presi- 
dent shall continue to do what he now does, except that after the 
military have suppressed all rebellion, ail resistance, then the Presi- 
dent can establish a civil government there, and appoint judicial, 
executive, and other officers to govern ten million of people over 
there — an army of carpetbaggers beside which this little squad now 
in Cuba looting the postal revenues would be but a mere awkward 

Mr. SPOONER. If the Senator ever finds a carpetbagger in 
heaven he would prefer to go to the other place. [Laughter.] 

Mr. TILLMAN. I undoubtedly would, Mr. President [laugh- 
ter] ; and if the Senator from Wisconsin and the people of Wis- 
consin had suffered from the carpetbaggers as we in South Carolina 
have, he would feel so, too. It is against carpetbaggery in all its- 
forms that we, who are opposed to the acquisition of the Philip- 
pines and the governing of subject peoples from this country by the 
appointing of proconsuls, protest here 


Mr. SPOONER. From all I can learn, I would infinitely prefer 
the carpetbaggery even of South Carolina, if I had any property, to 
the government of Aguinaldo up to date ; and when the Senator as- 
sumes and other Senators assume that there is any purpose in the 
Government to fill up Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines, with 
appointees without regard to fitness, with men unfit for the dis- 
charge of the duties, I think he would do better to wait until there 
is some foundation for that suspicion. I have seen nothing of it as 
to the Philippines; and no man ever lived, Mr. President, with 
higher purpose to safeguard by the most rigid inquiry and in the 
strictest possible way the interests of these people while in our 
charge by the appointment of honest and capable men than Presi- 
dent McKinley. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Let us grant that ; I will grant it ; but it is a 
question as to whether you can by such a system of government 
ever get anything but dishonesty. 

Mr. SPOONER. There may be now and then a thief, but he 
will be punished, and under this Administration he will be ferreted 
out by Government officers and sent to prison. Over in the Philip- 
pines General Otis has arrested three men and thrown them into 
prison for embezzlement. They were tried by commission, and two 
of them found guilty and punished. They were not Americans as I 
remember it. 

The world is not growing worse, Mr. President. Almost every 
man charged with official duty wants to do the right thing, just as 
Senators want to do their duty ; and the argument which is based 
upon a universal indictment of the integrity of men who are willing 
to go to these distant places has no substantial foundation in fact. 
If Mr. Bryan should be elected President, he would have the same 
difficulties. I hope he never will be elected, but if he should be 
he would have the same difficulties. willing to believe that he 
would try to select honest men, and when he found one as to whom 
he had been mistaken he would secure for that man prompt con- 
viction and punishment. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Will the Senator allow me? 

Mr. SPOONER. That is a part of the subject to which I do 
not care now to pay further attention. It is not at all pertinent. 

Mr. TILLMAN. If you do not like to be interrupted on account 
of. physical disability 

Mr. SPOONER. It is not physical disability just at this minute. 
I never felt better in my life than I do at this moment. My ob- 
jection is to being interrupted by a suggestion which is entirely im- 
pertinent to the matters which I wish to discuss. When I say "im- 
pertinent," I do not refer to the Senator, of course— I mean irrele- 
vant ; I use it in the legal sense. 

Mr. TILLMAN. If the Senator will permit me, I will state that, 
so far as I can judge of the temper of the Democratic party, if Mr. 
Bryan should be elected, the difficulty of governing those people by 
carpetbaggers would not trouble anybody very much. We do not 
consider that it is a function of the United States to undertake to 
educate 10,000,000 of Asiatics, who have been taught in the Spanish 
schools, what free government is or what self-government is , **nd 
we do not propose to undertake to find enough honest men "o go 
over there and administer the affairs of those islands in a decent 
Democratic way. 

Mr. SPOONER. If you did, you would have to go into the Re- 
publican party, probably, for some of them. [Laughter.] - 

Mr. TILLMAN.. We certainly would not ask you to lend us 
Mr. Rathbone, or Mr. Neely, or Mr. Thompson, or any of that ilk. 


Mr. SPOONER. Well, Thompson is in jail and Mr. Neely under 

Mr. ALLEN. If the Senator will permit me, I trust he will not 
bring Mr. Bryan into this discussion at all. Mr. Bryan is a private 
citizen, and I think it would more comport with the dignity of the 
Senate to leave his name out of the discussion. 

Mr. SPOONER. Well, Mr. President, I am willing to take les- 
sons in dignity from the Senator from Nebraska. 

Mr. TELLER. Will the Senator allow me a word? 

Mr. SPOONER. Certainly. 

Mr. TELLER. I think the Senator from Wisconsin is attempt- 
ing to discuss this question from a legal standpoint, but he has 
been drawn off by questions, which are, as he says, impertinent in a 
legal sense, and he probably has been induced to say some things that 
he would never otherwise have thought of saying. If I were on 
the floor I believe I would know how to deal with the question, 
but feeling ill, as the Senator from Wisconsin does, he is rather 
too good natured, and I appeal to the Senate to let the Senator pro- 
ceed uninterruptedly. That will be better for him and better for us. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Better for those in favor of his proposition. 

Mr. TELLER. Whether in favor of it or not, it would be better 
for the dignity and high character of this Senate. 

Mr. SPOONER. I hope I have not seriously offended my friend 
from Nebraska. 

Mr. ALLEN. Not at all. 

Mr. SPOONER. I recognize the fact that Mr. Bryan, while a 
distinguished leader, is in private life, alhough he is not a private 

Mr. ALLEN. Mr. Bryan's name ought not to be voluntarily 
brought into the Senate and involved in a discussion here, and I 
think it would comport more with the dignity of discussion in this 
Chamber not to do so. 

Mr. SPOONER. I do not hold myself altogether responsible for 
bringing it in, but I feel entirely at liberty to do so, and I shall 
do so in a respectful way if the course of my argument requires it. 

Now, Mr. President, I do not know what real fealty to the doc- 
trine of the Declaration of Independence — and I refer to it only for 
a moment — Senators or any political party would show which would 
turn over to an oligarchy, composed of not more than one-sixth of 
the inhabitants of the Philippine Archipelago, the government and 
the fate of ten million people, a vast majority of whom we think 
we have reason to know do not desire it, and a sudden withdrawal, 
as is suggested by the Senator from South Carolina [Mr. Tillman], 
of our troops from the Philippines upon the theory, which I am glad 
to hear him avow, that we have no duty in the Philippines 

Mr. TILLMAN. I did not say that. 

Mr. SPOONER. Practically that, Mr. President; for I do not 
hesitate here to say that any man or any party which in the envi- 
ronment, in which this country now is in the Philippines, should 
propose that it should withdraw its forces and leave Manila and the 
Filipinos who have been friendly to us — the autonomists, as Agui- 
naldo in a proclamation of his own of June 12 last denominates 
them — and the people who have nothing in common with him, to 
a government created by him and officered by his satraps, would vio- 
late every plain duty which could grow out of a difficult and delicate 

The resolution of the Senator from Georgia [Mr. Bacon], manly 
and straightforward as that Senator is in legislation here, is based 
upon a different proposition from that; and if we should withdraw 


our troops from Manila, as suggested by the amendment of the Sena- 
tor from South Dakota [Mr. Pettigrew], and enter into negotia- 
tions for peace with a government which is destroyed, if it ever had 
any substantial existence, and that withdrawal should be followed by 
a massacre in Manila, if the "clubs" organized by Sandico and those 
who were to join in the massacre or extermination should visit their 
vengeance on the Europeans in that city, nothing, Mr. President, 
in the history of this Government or this country could ever in the 
slightest degree redeem us from the stain of that cowardly withdrawal 
and stigma thus put upon our honor. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Mr. President 

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from Wisconsin 
yield to the Senator from South Carolina? 

Mr. SPOONER. What is it? 

Mr. TILLMAN. I wish the Senator would allow me to state 
more fully what I would consider 

Mr. SPOONER. That is just exactly what I do not want the 
Senator to do. 

Mr. TILLMAN. But the Senator puts me in a false attitude as 
to what I wish to do in the Philippines, and then he goes on and 
argues as though he had some basis for it other than his own imag- 
ination, and I must insist that that is not fair. 

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from Wisconsin 
yield to the Senator from South Carolina? 

Several Senators. No, no. 

Mr. SPOONER. Why, of course, Mr. President, I find it im- 
possible to decline to yield to Senators. 

Mr. TILLMAN. The Senator said a moment ago he never felt 
better in his life, and I am glad he is more than able to take care of 
himself in any debate on this floor. 

Mr. SPOONER. I feel well, but I am afraid that my colleagues 
do not, or will not, if I continue much longer. 

Mr. TILLMAN. It seems that some of your colleagues want to 
take care of you, when I am very sure you can take care of yourself 
better than they can take care of themselves. 

Mr. SPOONER. I do not agree with the Senator in that. 

Mr. TILLMAN. I wish to say this in regard to what I con- 
sider the duty of this Government, and I am not any more than one 
Democrat : We have destroyed the only government that was ther* 
— Aguinaldo's. It may be that it was a dictatorship, and I dare say 
it was, but still it was the only government they had there. It 
had the support of the people, whether voluntarily or involuntarily, 
does not matter. Now, we have destroyed that government; we 
have got that government broken all to pieces, and we are fighting 
there for the suppression of the guerrillas, small bands, who are 
harrassing our troops. 

I think if those guerrillas would stop we would get a condition by 
which we could reestablish some government there, if we would 
simply say to those people, "We do not propose to continue to gov- 
ern you by military force or by carpetbaggers sent from the United 
States, but we will allow you to set up some sort, of a government 
of your own as soon as you are in a condition to do so, which will 
insure law and order and protection for life and property to citizens 
and foreigners there. We will leave you to deal with your own 
people in your own way, because we do not believe it is our duty 
to use force to protect you from yourselves." 

Mr. SPOONER. The Senator having protected himself in the 
Record, I shall spend no time now, but I will, a little later on, on 


that branch of the subject, when I come to explain what I think the 
duty of this Government is, and what I think the people of the 
United States will deem it to be. 

The men who propose to turn over, without first ascertaining their 
wish about it, the fate of ten million people to the government of 
Aguinaldo and the TagalOgs, have a different understanding from 
that which appeals to me of that part of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence which refers to the consent of the governed. 

Self-government is not a right. Self-government is a faculty. It 
does not come to a people in a day; it does not develop in a night; 
and if there is anywhere in this world where a proposition has been 
announced and carried into effect that the majority entitled by law 
to govern, but in the opinion of a minority unfit, shall not be per- 
mitted to govern, it is not in the Philippines, but it is in the United 

But, Mr. President, for the purpose of refuting the proposition 
that this Government has acted toward Aguinaldo with Punic faith 
— that is the adjective, "with Punic faith" — I am compelled briefly to 
consider the evidence upon which, in the several relations, that 
charge is made. 

First, it is said that Aguinaldo was promised independence and 
that for the Government of the United States not to accord it is 
for it to perpetrate an act of national dishonor. 

I deny, Mr. President, that there is any basis whatever for the 
assumption that Aguinaldo was promised independence or that the 
Filipinos were promised independence. 

It is claimed by Aguinaldo that he was promised independence by 
our consul at Singapore, Mr. Pratt, and at Hongkong, Mr. Wildman. 
Mr. Day, inferring from a publication in a Singapore paper that 
possibly Mr. Pratt had been indiscreet, cabled him June 16, 1898, 
to avoid unauthorized negotiations with Philippine insurgents, to 
which Mr. Pratt replied June 19 as follows : 

No intention negotiate; left that Dewey, who desired Aguinaldo come. 


June 16, 1898, Mr. Day wrote to Mr. Pratt, among other things, 
as follows : 

If in the course of your conferences with General Aguinaldo you acted upon 
the assumption that this Government would cooperate with him for the fur- 
therance of any plan of, his own, or that in accepting bis cooperation it would 
consider itself pledged to recognize any political claims which may be put 
forward, your action was unauthorized, and can not be approved. 

June 20, in reply to cable of June 16, Mr. Pratt wrote the Sec- 
retary of State as follows : 

My action in the m»tter was limited to obtaining the assurance of General 
Aguinaldo's willingness to cooperate with our forces, communicating this to 
Commodore Dewey, and, upon the latter's expressing a desire that he should 
come on as soon as possible, arranging for the General to do so. 

Under date July 28 Mr. Pratt wrote the Secretary of State as 
follows : 

I declined even to discuss with General Aguinaldo the question of the fu- 
ture policy of the United States with regard to the Philippines; that I held 
out no hopes to him of any kind, committed the Government in no way 
whatever, and in the course of our conferences never acted upon the assump- 
tion that the Government would cooperate with him— General Aguinaldo— for 
the furtherance of any plan of his own, nor that in accepting his said coopera- 
tion it would consider itself pledged to recognize any political claims which 
he might put forward. 

The Senator from Washington some time since, in the course of 
a speech here, read from a Singapore paper what he contended indi- 
cated an admission in a public speech, by consul Pratt that he had 


promised independence. That Senator omitted to state, although 
I know he would have stated it if he had known it, what I state now, 
that when Mr. John Foreman made substantially the same statements 
in the first edition of his book on the Philippines Consul Pratt filed 
a bill in equity and obtained an injunction restraining him from the 
further distribution of the edition, upon the ground that the state- 
ment was not true, and in the second edition and all subsequent edi- 
tions there is. a note at the beginning of the book correcting the 
statements and announcing the omission of the pages from the book. 
Mr. Wildman also was heard from upon the subject. Under date 
of August 8, 1898, from Hongkong, he addressed the following 
cablegram to Mr. Moore, Asssistant Secretary of State : 

Never made pledges nor discussed policy of America with Aguinaldo further 
than to try and hold him to promises before Dewey took him to Cavite, be- 
lieving it my duty, it being understood that my influence is good. If report 
contrary, I disavow. 

Could anything be more idle than to predicate a charge of dis- 
honor upon an alleged breach by the United States of a political 
promise made by a consul? Consuls are not diplomats. As the 
Senator from Minnesota [Mr. Davis] said the other day, they are 
only commercial agents. 

It has been said here that there are men learned in international 
law surrounding Aguinaldo. That is, I think, quite true; and how 
foolish it is to suppose that Aguinaldo and the junta would for one 
moment, had such promise or assurance been given, relied upon 

It is alleged that Admiral Dewey promised Aguinaldo independ- 
ence. Aguinaldo says that himself. He did not claim it, so far as 
I have been able to discover, until a short time before the outbreak 
of hostilities, and in the "True version of the Philippine revolution," 
which he published to the world. 

On May 26 the Secretary of the Navy cabled Admiral Dewey as 
follows : 

It is desirable, as far as possible, and consistent with your success and 
safety, not to have political alliances with the insurgents, or any faction in 
the islands, that would incur liability to maintain their cause in the future. 

June 6 Admiral Dewey replied to this dispatch: 

Receipt of telegram of May 26 is acknowledged, and I thank the Department 
for the expression of confidence. Have acted according to the spirit of De- 
partment instructions therein from the beginning, and I have entered into no 
alliance with the insurgents or with any faction. 

Admiral Dewey has since specifically denied it. He denied it in 
the letter over his own signature addressed to Senator Lodge; he 
denied it in his cablegram to the Secretary of the Navy; he 
denied it in a memorandum inserted in the report of the Philippine 
Commisssion, which he signed; he denied it in a statement sent to 
the Senate by the President only a day or two ago. 

No one would impute to Admiral Dewey, who conducted affairs in 
the Far East after the fall or destruction of the Spanish fleet with 
consummate ability, such ignorance as to his power and duty as 
for one moment to believe that he had pledged to this man, whom 
he had never seen before and of whom he knew nothing, independ- 
ence for a government which he was yet to establish. 

In a memorandum written for the preliminary report of the Phil- 
ippine Commission, of which Admiral Dewey was a member, he 
says, referring to his first meeting with Aguinaldo, May 19 : 

No alliance of any kind was entered into with Aguinaldo, nor was any 
promise of independence made to him, then or any other time. 

Aguinaldo, however, in what is called "the true version of the 
Philippine revolution," says on one page here — I will spend but a 


moment upon it — that on one occasion Admiral Dewey, accom- < 
panied by General Anderson, visited him, and that in the presence 
of General Anderson this statement was made by Admiral Dewey : 

The Admiral continued: Documents are useless when there is no sense of 
honor on one side, as was the case in respect of the compact with the Span- 
iards, who failed to act up to what had been written and signed. 

Have faith in my word, and I assure you that the United States will rec- 
ognize the independence of the country. But I recommend you to keep a 
good deal of what we have said and agreed secret at present. I further re- 
quest you to have patience if any of our soldiers insult any Filipinos, for, 
being volunteers, they are as yet undisciplined. 

Admiral Dewey, on January 30 last, denounced this pamphlet and 
the statements, in so far as they related to him, as a tissue of false- 
hood thus : 

DEAR SENATOR LODGE: The statement of Emilio Aguinaldo, recent- 
ly published in the Springfield Republican, so far as it relates to me, is a tissue 
of falsehood. I never promised him, directly or indirectly, independence for 
the Filipinos. I never treated him as an ally, except so far as to make use 
of him and his soldiers to assist me in my operations against the Spaniards. 
He never uttered the word "independence" in any conversation with me or 
my officers. The statement that I received him with military honors or sa- 
luted the Filipino flag is absolutely false. 

Sincerely yours, GEORGE DEWEY. 

It will be noticed that at the interview in which Admiral Dewey 
is alleged to have uttered the foregoing, General Anderson was 
present. General Anderson was asked by telegraph by the Adjutant- 
General, under date May 11, concerning this conversation, to which 
he replied as follows : 

Philadelphia, Pa., May 14, 1900. 

Washington, D. C. : 
Telegram received. I have Aguinaldo's pamphlet. His statement as to 
Admiral Dewey's promise of recognition and documents not being necessary, 
are not true as to any occasion wh^n I was present. I can recall onlv two 
occasions on which we saw Aguinaldo together. All his statements inaccu- 
rate, except that we were fighting a common enemy. 

ANDERSON, Brigadier-General, Retired. 

It has seemed strange to me that any American should be found 
to make the charge of dishonor upon the Government or its Admin- 
istration based upon nothing except the .statements of Aguinaldo, 
contradicted, as he is, over and over again. 

But that is not all. Some documents have been captured over 
there. Among others is a document which gives the secret pro- 
ceedings — it has been sent to the Senate — of the junta in Hongkong 
on May 5. Aguinaldo was there, Agoncillo was there, TeoJoroSandico 
was there, Lopez was there, Montenegro was there. It is signed by a 
large number of them in testimony that what transpired is faith- 
fully set down and sealed. 

Mr. STEWART. May, 1898? 

Mr. SPOONER. May 5, 1898. It says : 

The president described the negotiations which took place during his ab- 
sence in Singapore with the American consul of that English colouv; both 
agreed that the president should confer with the Admiral commanding the 
American squadron in Mir Bay, and if he should accept his propositions as 
beneficial, in his judgment, to the Filipinos, he should go in one of the 
cruisers which form the fleet and take part in the subsequent events. 

This was after the conversation with the consul. Strange, is it 
not, if the consul had promised independence to a government to be 
formed by Aguinaldo, that the thing which above all other things 
he desired, it is thought, in his communication to his associates he 
ishould have neglected to state? There is not one word in these 
proceedings which indicates that any such promise had been made ; 
that any such subject had been discussed — not one word. But there 
are statements in this paper which show that no such promise could 
have been made, or that if it was made it was not relied upon. 


Aguinaldo did not wish to go. He wished to send four members 
of the junta. He gave certain reasons why he did not wish to go, 
and one of the reasons was that Admiral Dewey might call upon 
him, if he went, to enter into some agreement before cooperating — T 
do not use the language — which would control or embarrass the 
future of his country— when the guns of the Filipinos would be turn- 
ed against the Americans. 

After arguments had been made by various members of the junta 
in favor of Aguinaldo's going, the record is thus: 

Notwithstanding the previous remarks, the president (Aguinaldo) insists that 
he considers it dangerous for him to go to the Filipines without a previous 
written agreement with the Admiral, since it may happen that if he places 
himself at his orders he may make him sign or seal a document containing pro- 
posals highly prejudicial to the interests of the fatherland, from which may 
arise the following grave disadvantages: 

First. * * * 

Second. * * * These are the means, he thinks, which should be first 
employed to find out certainly what are the intentions of the United States m 
regard to that country. * * * He adds, besides, that the Admiral, there 
being no previous contract, may not divide the armament necessary to guar- 
antee the happiness of the fatherland." 

After various speeches, by Sandico and others, the document pro- 
ceeds : 

The authority to treat, which the President thinks of giving to the other 
chiefs, without reflecting at all upon their personal deserts, they do not be- 
lieve can be as effective as his personal attention to the matter, to such ser- 
ious affairs as those which are the subject of discussion. There will be no 
better occasion than the present for the expeditionary forces to land on those 
islands and to arm themselves at the expense of the Americans and assure toe 
attainment oi our legitimate aspirations against those very people. 

The Filipino people, unprovided with arms, will be the victim of the de- 
mands and exactions of the United States, but provided with arms will be 
able to oppose themselves to them and struggle for their independence, in 
which consists the true happiness of the Philippines. 

After referring to the "prestige which he (Aguinaldo) acquired in 
the last rebellion," it proceeds : 

Once the President in the Philippines, with his prestige he will be able to 
arouse those masses to combat the demands of the United States if they colo- 
nize that country, and will drive them, the Filipinos, if circumstances render 
it necessary, to a Titanic struggle for their independence, even if later they 
should succumb to the weight of the yoke of a new oppressor. 

Were they relying on a promise of independence? 

They were arranging then, before Aguinaldo and his companions 
went back to Manila, for a contingency in which, having obtained 
arms upon a promise of cooperation they should use those arn<s 
against soldiers of the United States. No man with judgment could 
find what is written in this secret proceedings consistent at all, either 
with the promise of independence or their reliance uptm a promise 
of independence. 

It is not worth spending time on at all if it were not that on this 
is based a charge of dishonor, and without warrant. I for one can 
not discuss this matter and permit that charge to go unanswered 
when the facts make a complete defense against it. 

He made no claim of any such promise until very late, and after 
he had gone to Manila he wrote to General Anderson, under date 
July 24, "I came from Hongkong to prevent my countrymen from 
making common cause with the Spanish against the North Ameri- 
cans ;" and he justified the proclamation of his dictatorship upon 
that ground, and in all the letters or proclamations in which he be- 
sought independence he never claimed until this proclamation, issued 
shortly before the outbreak of hostilities, that it had been promised 
him, and in his letter to the President, which has been so greatly 
lauded for its literary merit, he asked for independence, but he did not 
contend at all that it had been promised to him. So why charge 


bad faith upon the Administration for not according to Aguinaldo's 
government or alleged government, the moment he formed it, inde- 
pendence as having been promised ? 

It is said that there was implied recognition of his government, 
and that upon that ground we have been acting in breach of faith. 
Is that true? Is it sustained? The Senator from South Dakota 
[Mr. Pettigrew] says it is sustained. He based his charge for one 
thing upon the allegation that Admiral Dewey saluted the flag of the 
Philippine Republic. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. He undoubtedly did. 

Mr. SPOONER. Well, then, Admiral Dewey is published by the 
Senator before the world as a concrete liar. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Not by me. 

Mr. SPOONER. He denies it. The American people will believe 
Admiral Dewey when he says he never saluted the flag. The 
Senator claimed, I think — and I trust he will not regard me as per- 
sonal; he nodded to me, and that is why I referred to him—that 
we had recognized them by convoying one of the Philippine ships — 
was it into Subig Bay? I think it was. Am I right? 
Mr. PETTIGREW. Yes; Subig Bay. 

Mr. SPOONER. Does the Senator still claim that we convoy- 
ed a Philippine ship into Subig Bay? 

Mr. PETTIGREW. I will answer the Senator. 

Mr. SPOONER. Very well. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. The insurgents attacked the Spanish forces 
in Subig Bay. They sent a vessel to Manila to ask Admiral Dewey 
to assist. Dewey received word from this vessel, and he sent the 
Raleigh and another ship to Subig Bay, captured the Spanish garri- 
son, and turned the prisoners over to Aguinaldo's forces. 

It appears from a statement of the officers of the Government that 
the vessel of Aguinaldo did not accompany our vessels, our vessels 
leaving in the night, so that the vessel which had come to ask them 
to return to their assistance was not aware of their departure. I 
said in a resolution of inquiry that it had been stated that they did 
convoy or go in company with a Philippine vessel to Subig Bay to 
secure the surrender of the Spanish troops, and I asked for the 
information. My resolution was tabled by the Senate. 

Mr. SPOONER. Yes; I voted to table it. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Afterwards the Administration admitted 
everything that had been said except that our vessels did not go 
back with the Filipino vessel which came to ask them for their as- 
sistance. Here was an alliance and the turning over of the prisoners 
to the allies. 

Mr. SPOONER. I voted against the Senator's resolution. I re- 
member the Senator's resolution. It was craftily drawn. I do not 
mean intentionally so, of course; but it was so drawn as that for 
the Senate to have adopted it would have been a finding of fact by 
this body that there was a Philippine Republic in the international 
sense and a Philippine flag ; and because I believed that to be un- 
true, and not as the Senator seemed to think at the time of all of 
us, that we were afraid of laying the truth before the American 
people, I voted to lay the resolution upon the table. Has not the 
Senator been of the opinion that one or more of our naval ships 
convoyed a ship of Aguinaldo's to Subig Bay? Was not that the 
Senator's opinion? 

Mr. PETTIGREW. That was my opinion at the time I presented 
the resolution. 

Mr. SPOONER. It is the Senator's opinion now? 

Mr. PETTIGREW. I am in doubt about it now. I never could 


get all the information. We never have had it. The Administra- 
tion does not give us the full information. We never have had 
any consecutive story of this revolt and the circumstances connected 
with it. We are left to draw our conclusions and to gather our 
information from a censored press, from suppressed information. It 
is not considered compatible with the interest of the President as a 
candidate for reelection to furnish us the information, and we do 
not get it, and we have not got it. 

Mr. SPOONER. Oh, I should think once in one session would 
be sufficient for the Senator to insult the President. The President 
has manifested no purpose whatever to withhold from the Senate any 
information, and he has been sending information here in response to 
the request of the Senate month after month during this session. 
But if the Senator has doubt about the proposition or the allegation 
of fact that one or more of our naval ships convoyed an alleged Fili- 
pino ship, with an alleged Philippine republic flag flying at its mast- 
head, to Subig Bay, he has doubt of the veracity of Captain Coghlan. 

The Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. Lodge] in his speech read 
the other day in the presence of the Senate the following letter : 

February i, 1900. 

I was in command of the expedition sent by the Admiral (Raleigh and Con- 
cord) to the mouth of Subig Bay, July 6, 1898, to capture Grande Island, then 
held by the Spaniards. I wish to affirm as strongly as human words caa 
do so that Aguinaldo's people did not accompany us, and that they took no 
part whatever in that capture. No one but the Admiral, Lieutenant Brumby, 
Captain Walker, and myself even knew where we were to go. We left at 
midnight without lights of any kind, not even signaling, as usual, for per. 
mission to get under way, and no one knew except the flagship and a vessel 
or two near us, that the vessels (Raleigh and Concord) had moved from 
their berths. It was not known until next morning that we had gone out oi 
sight of our fleet. At this very time the so-called gun-boat of Aguinaldo was 
anchored at Cavite, and did not learn of our departure until next day about 
noon. We captured Grande Island about 10.30 a. m., July 7, and no Fili- 
pino boat of any description appeared about Subig Bay until that evening 
about 7 p. m., when the boat we had left at Cavite came in and expressed 
the greatest surprise at our capture, telling us they had hoped to take part 
in the attack. So far as Aguinaldo's people having anything to do with the 
capture, after it had been done I instructed their chief at Alongapo, about 
5 miles up the bay, that his people must in no way bother with the island, and 
to prevent them I moved the Raleigh out into the bay, where the search- 
lights were used all night to see that no insurgeants went near the island. 
In my opinion, those on the island could have held out indefinitely, as they 
were well provided with everything, and the Aguinaldoites had no artillery- 
one small gun only on their so-called gunboat, and the rest of her arma- 
ment (?) consisting of pieces of 3-inch pipe stuck through chocks and holes 
in her sides to simulate guns. 

There may not be much glory arising from that capture, but on behalf of 
my naval comrades, who did it alone, I object to having any of it taken away 
by anyone attempting to falsely assign us help. 

Yours, very truly, J. B. COGHLAN, 

Captain, U. S. N. 

This charge of dishonor, based upon the allegation that we rec- 
ognized a republic over there by convoying a ship flying its flag, falls 
to the ground; and I know the Senator will not challenge the 
word of Captain Coghlan. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. I will say that I think the paper the Senator 
has in his hand was sent in in response to a resolution passed by 
the Senate, which I introduced on the 27th of April 

Mr. SPOONER. Yes. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. And that resolution reads as follows in re- 
gard to the Subig Bay incident: 

The President is also requested to inform the Senate whether the flag of 
the Philippine republic was ever saluted by Admiral Dewey or any of the 
vessels of his fleet at any time since May 1, 1898. Did Admiral Dewey, at the 
request of Aguinaldo or any officer under him, send the vessels Concord and 


Raleigh to Subig Bay to assist Aguinaldo's forces in the capture of the Span- 
ish garrison at that place? Did said vessels assist in the capture of the Span- 
ish garrison, and after the surrender did they turn the prisoners thus taken 
over to the Philippine forces? 

I think that paper corroborates and answers in the affirmative 
every one of those questions, except the question of saluting the flag. 
As far as that question is concerned, I will show by the executive 
officer of Admiral Dewey's own ship that he did salute the flag; I 
will show by the statement of Halstead, who was a Government 
official, that he did salute the flag; and I will show by letters from 
numerous soldiers that we saluted the Philippine flag and the Phil- 
ippine troops every time they came in the presence of our Army. I 
will then leave the question as to who is right and who is wrong 
to be fought out between these different people. I shall try to do 
this in reply to the Senator's speech. 

Mr. SPOONER. All right. Then the Senator admits that in 
response to this particular resolution of his, there was no attempt 
upon the part of the Administration to suppress information. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Mr. President 

Mr. SPOONER. The Senator will admit also that the informa- 
tion which was sent, so far as Captain Coghlan's letter covers it, 
disposed of all of his allegations of fact put in an interrogatve form, 
exceot the matter of the saluting of the flag. 

Mi-. PETTIGREW. The Senator says I will admit numerous 
things. I admit nothing of the sort. 

Mr. SPOONER. I was wrong in supposing the Senator would 
admit it. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Except that the reply confirms the state- 
ment I made in every particular except in that of saluting the flag. 
That is what I said, and as I understood the Senator 

Mr. SPOONER. Did not the Senator charge that Aguinaldo's 
vessel helped in the capture of the place ? 

Mr. PETTIGREW. I think not. 

Mr. SPOONER. I thought you said so a moment ago. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Not at all. I did not say so, and I do not 
remember ever to have said so. 

Mr. SPOONER. Did not the Senator charge that Aguinaldo's ves- 
assisted them in taking it? 

Mr. PETTIGREW. I have just read what I said in the resolu- 
tion, and I think everything in the resolution is answered in the 
affirmative by the information received except the saluting of the 
flag, and then I made my statement in regard to that. I wrote to 
the officer to ascertain whether we did salute the flag or not, and I 
have an autograph letter to the effect that we did. 

Mr. SPOONER. I withdraw my statement that the Senator ad- 
mitted anything. I did him an injustice, and I will supplement that 
by saying that I do not expect the Senator to admit anything ex- 
cept that this Government has been dishonorable and guilty of punic 
faith in its treatment of Aguinaldo. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Yes ; I think I can prove that. 

Mr. SPOONER. I think the Senator can not prove it. In fact 
I know the Senator can not prove it. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. I do not think there is any doubt about it. 

Mr. SPOONER. The Senator can no more prove it than he can 
prove or did prove the other day that a majority of the South Da- 
kota regiment were unwilling to serve after their term expired. I 
am glad the Senator could not prove that. There never comes 
into a soldier's life any prouder thing than that after his time has- 
expired he served in battle under his flag ; and when President Mc- 
Kinley congratulated the State of South Dakota, which I marched 


over as a soldier before the Senator ever saw it, and congratulated 
her people and congratulated that regiment that regardless of the ex^ 
piration of their time they had gone into battle under our flag and 
fought with great gallantry, he recognized, as the truth warranto, 
a crown upon the brow of South Dakota which no man can ever 
take from her. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. If the Senator will permit me, I read the 
statement of the surgeon of the regiment and the lieutenant- 
colonel that 90 or 95 per cent of the boys wished to be discharged. 
Some of the soldiers told me, immediately after the President made 
that statement, that it was untrue. The reason why the South Da- 
kota boys were not proud of the service in which they had been 
conscripted against their will was because they were not in sym- 
pathy with the effort to destroy the liberties of another people. 

Mr. SPOONER. I suspect the fact that some of them felt that 
way is partly attributable to the industry of the Senator, not to the 
soldiers themselves. [Laughter.] 

Mr. PETTIGREW. That is a matter of opinion, which opinion 
the Senator has a right to entertain. 

Mr. SPOONER. I say that because the discussion indicated 
that in a great many letters from the Philippine Archipelago some 
were replies to letters written by the Senator. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Not one of them. 

Mr. SPOONER. Yes ; there were some of them I am quite cer- 
tain. And I say another thing, that the prompt transmission of the 
governor's insulting letter to the President to be read to the sol- 
diers there was politics — Populistic politics, not American politics — 
and may have had something to do with inciting the agitation 
among some of the soldiers. I will never believe in dishonor in 
this Government or in the Administration, Democratic or Republi- 
can, unless I am obliged to. I will not hunt for stain upon the honor 
of my own country. 

Mr. President, it is said repeatedly that Aguinaldo was an ally of 
the United States, and that in firing upon him when he attacked us 
— I use that phrase advisedly ; we were guilty of Punic faith toward 
an ally. A flimsier thing never was asserted as foundation for 
a charge in a Presidential or any other campaign against an Admin- 
istration than that. An ally in the international sense he was not 
and could not be. There was no Filipino nation. There was no 
Filipino people in the organized sense. No man could for one mo- 
ment contend that there was an organization which could enter into 
a treaty of alliance. None such was ever pretended. As I said the 
other day, the Filipinos were in law enemies of the United States, 
not friends, because they were subjects of Spain. The Senator from 
South Dakota smiles. 


Mr. SPOONER. Does he dispute it? 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Certainly. It is the most absurd proposition 
the Senator has made. 

Mr. SPOONER. There never has been a work on international 
law which does not support that proposition; it has been decided by 
the Supreme Court of the United States; it is absolutely funda- 
mental; it is stated in the most modern as well as in the most ancient 
books, that, as a matter of law and important consequences flow 
from it the subjects of a government at war with another become 
the enemies of that other. The Senator is a good lawyer, he is a 
man of ability, and if he will address his mind to that proposition 
to-night he will not denv it to-morrow. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. I certainly shall. 


Mr. SPOONER. -Well, I will help him. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. To deny it? 

Mr. SPOONER. No ; to find the law ; I know where to find it. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. I am well aware of the Senator's ability, 
and I know he is a great student, for I studied law as a boy in his 
father's office when he was just beginning to practice, and in com- 
plimenting me perhaps he had a notion of, in a measure, compli- 
menting himself. 

Mr. SPOONER. No; I did not mean to do that. What I meant 
was this, and the Senator will do me that justice, to say that I have 
examined the question, and I thought it might facilitate the Sen- 
ator's investigation, if he cared to make it, for me to give him a 
list of the authorities in which I found it. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. As an abstract principle, never good in 
practice or heard of in any history on the face of the earth, perhaps 
the Senator is correct. 


Mr. PETTIGREW. But to say that the Filipinos were our ene- 
mies under the circumstances is such a terrible stretching of the 
abstract principle which the Senator seeks to invoke that it has no 

Mr. SPOONER. The Senator would not have said that if he had 
listened longer. I said the Filipino people were in law -the enemies 
of the United States while we were at war with Spain. Aguinaldo 
and such of his confreres who individually cooperated with us 
against Spain were not, of course, our enemies. All others were ; 
and if the Senator understood me as saying that the subjects of 
Spain who entered our Army — if any should — or who aided us in 
a war with Spain, were our enemies under this proposition of law, 
he misunderstood me. But Aguinaldo himself is not to be called, 
all things considered, an ally of ours. If he was an ally of ours, he 
was a very treacherous ally of ours, and it was not many weeks after 
he reached Manila before Admiral Dewey discovered that he ceased 
to be much of an ally and was inclined to "set up" business on his 
own account ; so much so that he was disgusted with him, and, as 
one of the papers puts it, thought he had the "big- head." 

Mr. Wildman, writing Mr. Moore, Assistant Secretary of State, 
under date of August 9th, says : 

Aguinaldo had for some weeks been getting what Admiral Dewey called 
the big head, and writing me sulky, childish letters. 

He claimed he was after independence, and, as indicated by the 
secret proceedings of the junta, he was proceeding in his perform- 
ance after he reached Manila largely on his own account, of course, 
in a way aiding us — I concede that — in fighting Spain, but for 
reasons of his own and for a purpose of his own. Why, Mr. Presi- 
dent, it is stated by Mr. Whitmarsh, the special commissioner over 
there of the Outlook, that Aguinaldo had planned to attack our first 
detachment of troops when they landed at Paranaque. 

In the preliminary report of the Commissioners it is stated : 

The landing of the American troops at Paranaque on July 15 so exasperated 
the revolutionary leader that he wished to attack at once, but was deterred 
by lack of arms and ammunition. He finally decided to wait until the fall 
of Manila, enter the city with the American troops, secure the arms of the 
•Spanish soldiers if possible, and then make his attack. 

Mr. TELLER. The first one? 

Mr. SPOONER. Yes ; I believe the first one, that he had in- 
tended to attack them and prevent their landing. He permitted 
them, however, to land, but from the day General Anderson landed 
there his attitude was not the attitude of an ally ; his correspondence 


was not the correspondence of an ally; his conduct was not the 
conduct of an ally. I assert, Mr. President, without fear of success- 
ful contradiction, upon all the facts which are within our reach, that 
his conduct from the day General Anderson arrived there was the 
conduct of an enemy. 

Mr. BERRY. What date was that, if the Senator will permit me? 

Mr. SPOONER. I can not give the precise date. It was in June 
or early in July. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. The Fourth of July. 

Mr. SPOONER. That we landed there. If you look at the cor- 
respondence, you will see constant complaints ; you will see a con- 
stant j ealousy ; you will see that he insisted upon maintaining his 
position ; you will find that his troops were insolent to our men. 
You will find that Aguinaldo plumed himself as being friendly rather 
than just in not cutting off from Manila, after our troops had ar- 
rived there, the water supply. He constantly wanted recognition. 
He sought in every cunning way which could be devised to secure 
some recognition from General Anderson of him as president 
of his alleged government. He prohibited the people from furnish- 
ing supplies to General Anderson. 

Was that the conduct of an ally? Anderson wanted horses; he 
wanted supplies; he had newly arrived in the country. He prof- 
fered, of course, to pay for them. The correspondence shows that he 
received no reply; that he received no supplies, and that Ander- 
son was informed upon sufficient authority that they were forbidden 
by Aguinaldo, and Professor Worcester says that witnesses swore 
before the Commission that Aguinaldo had ordered them not to 
furnish our Army with any supplies ; and they were not furnished 
until General Anderson informed him that if he did not permit the 
supplies to be furnished, things that our troops needed, he would 
pass him and take them. 

It is stated (I presume the Senator does not believe that) that as 
early as June he was in negotiation with the Spaniards against us. 
I believe it, and I have good reason to believe it. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Mr. President, there is no doubt but that 
the Spaniards made offers and propositions to Aguinaldo, and 
there is no doubt but that he considered them. But he brought 
them to us and stated to us (and the conversation, I think, must be 
familiar to the Senator) that he had rejected them and refused to 
accept. their offers and propositions. He seems to have been using 
this for the purpose of trying to compel, if possible, that public recog- 
nition of his government to which he felt he was entitled. There is 
no 4oubt about that. 

Mr. SPOONER. Mr. President, on the contrary, I believe it to 
be a fact, and I believe the assertion is warranted by the evidence, 
that Aguinaldo was in treaty with the Spanish authorities to sur- 
render Manila to him and join their forces in fighting us. One 
thing is very certain: That as early as October 25, long before the 
outbreak of February 4, 1899, before the cession of the Philippine 
Archipelago to us by Spain, Aguinaldo entered into negotiations with 
the Spaniards and proved himself, if an ally to us, to be a traitor 
to us. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. When was that? What is the date? 

Mr. SPOONER. The 25th of October, 1898. The Senator evi- 
dently has not, in his search for information, found it, but the 
President sent it to the Senate some time ago — April 18. Here 
it is. It is worth reading, because men will be told all through this 
country during the coming campaign (and that is what most of 
this business is for; nobody is deceived about that) that Aguinal- 


do was our ally ; that up to the time we attacked him and his forces 
at Manila he was loyal to us as an ally. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. No ; we were not loyal to him. 

Mr. SPOONER. We were loyal to him. We gave him more 
loyalty, Mr. President, than he was entitled to. We stayed there 
month after month enduring his insolence and the insolence of his 
soldiers while they endeavored to taunt, I believe by his commaad, 
our soldiers into an act of hostility, and I will prove it before I 

But, Mr.. President, about October 25 the Spanish general at 
Iloilo was apparently willing to surrender to us. When General 
Otis sent the expedition to Iloilo he supposed that the Spanish 
would surrender to us. He had received information that they de- 
sired to do it. Am I wrong about that? But they found when they 
reached there that he had by order of the Spanish Government 
evacuated the place. Now, here is what Aguinaldo wrote to him. 
Up to this time we had occupied no position of hostility to Agui^- 
naldo, and no man living can truthfully say we had. 

This is a captured document 

Malolos, October 25, 1898. 
The Excellent Senor General DIEGO RIOS. 

RESPECTED GENERAL: I write to you without any desire of offending 
either your dignity or your patriotism, or of interfering in your high duties in 
the present circumstances, so critical for all of us, Filipinos, Spaniards, and 
Americans. I write to you, General, actuated solely by the desire of doing 
an act of evident justice, compatible with your honor and with those high 
duties which I cite above, and especially with the hope— 

"Especially with the hope" — 

While we were righting to liberate the Filipinos from the tyran- 
ny of Spain he was hopeful "of yet saving from the shipwreck the 
sovereignty of Spain in these islands." 

Mr. LODGE. Give the signature. 

Mr. SPOONER. I will give the signature in a moment. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Will the Senator give us the date of that? 

Mr. SPOONER. It is dated Malolos, October 25, 1808. 

Mr. CULLOM. Before the cession? 

Mr. SPOONER. Yes, before the cession. 

Mr. TILLMAN.- It was while the cession was being discussed, 
however, and after the demand had been made. 

Mr. SPOONER. It was while our commissioners were negotiating 
the treaty. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. And if I recollect aright, after- 
Mr. SPOONER. As I recollect it, before even our commissioners 
had demanded cession. The cession was demanded October 31 and 
vielded November 28. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. But after Dewey had captured all his vessels 
and confiscated them. 

Mr. SPOONER. Had captured all his vessels and confiscated 
them? What an awful violence ! 

Mr. TILLMAN. How did the President get that letter? 

Mr. SPOONER. It was captured ; I do not suppose Aguinaldo's 
consent was asked. He proceeds : 

I shall explain myself, General, to see if you can understand me, and to see 
whether it will be the same as with General Augustin, who did not care to pay 
any attention to the frank warnings I gave him, with noble intentions, in my 
letter of June 9 last. 


Had he not been negotiating with General Augustin, in command 
of Manila in June? That is why I said I was satisfied that as earlv 
as June this "enemy" of Spain and this "ally" of ours was in treaty 
with Spaniards in Manila against us to save "from the shipwreck the 
sovereignty of Spain in these islands." 

Mr. TILLMAN. Did the Senator ever hear the fable of the wolf 
and the lamb? 

Mr. SPOONER. I have heard pretty nearly all the fables. I 
could call one or two in mind for the benefit of the Senator if I 
wanted to, but I will not take the time. I will read this again : 

I shall explain myself, General, to see if you can understand me, and to see 
whether it will be the same as with General Augustin, who did not care to pay 
any attention to the frank warnings I gave him, with noble intentions, in my 
letter of June 9 last. Time has unfortunately justified me, and I am able to 
declare that of all the Spanish generals you alone have known how to detend 
the Spanish flag in these islands. 

"To defend the Spanish flag in these islands ;" that flag of tyr- 
anny : that flag of cruelty ; that flag of merciless and long-continued 
outrage in the islands. 

Ah! if the others had only known how to sustain it as you have, how dif- 
ferent would be to-day the sad condition of the Spanish Empire in these 
lands. * * ♦ 

Ally ! Enemy of Spain ! 

I am informed that you are considering surrendering the place to us or to 
the Americans. After six months of vigorous siege and of total abandon- 
ment, I understand how you can prefer us to the others. 

The way to make this surrender is to ioin us and proclaim the federation 
of the Filipino republic with the Spanish republic, recognizing the chieftain- 
ship of our honorable president, Senor Emilio Aguinaldo. A fraternal em- 
brace will take place between Filipino Visayans and Spaniards; there will be 
hurrahs for Spain 


and the Filipines united as a federal republic — 

Independence of Spain I thought was the sole object of his life — 

your troops will pass into the common army — 

What common army? You will see in a moment — 

you will be promoted to be a lieutenant-general ; the Spanish employees in the 
Visayas will be supported by us; the government will pass to cur provincial 
councils and local juntas. 

Those who want to go back to Spain will be sent back at our expense, with 
enough to pay their way to Spain, and the flags of Spain and the Filipines 
will float side by side. You will give an account of this at Madrid and es- 

Ally ! 

We shall conquer, and then we shall wait and adjust our future relations. 

I will not take the time to read it all. He adds : 

Your transfer to our side does not really involve treason to Spain, since 
the moment sovereignty passes to the Americans you are free to transfer your 
allegiance. This is in accordance with the principles of national honor. On 
the other hand, if you join us you cause the following: First, liberty for all 
the 9,000 Spanish prisoners in our hands — 

He did not have them ; he never had them — 

and then it would serve as the first base of the new alliance between Spain 
and the Filipinos- 
Three hundred years of oppression forgotten, love of liberty and 
independence inspiring every thought, he negotiated for an "alliance 
between Spain and the Filipinos" — 

and then it would serve as the first base of the new alliance between Spain 
and the Filipinos, and then from both will come honor and applause for you 
as having been the one fortunate enough to effect it. This is all that I can say 
to you at present, and I hope that you will tell me that you agree with m*» 
and then I shall be able to present this to MY GOVERNMENT and obtain 


from it an agreement to what I have written AS A PRIVATE INDIVID UAL- 
Your most respectful and affectionate, 1-1-9-6-1-M. 

It is signed ''1-1-9-6-1-M," written on the paper used in the private 
office of the president, and"M," the letter at the end of it, is the first 
letter in the word "Miong," and "Miong" in the Philippine cipher 
is "Emilio." Is there any warrant for my assertion that in June, as 
well as in October, before the demand, even by our commissioners, 
of a cession of the Philippines, he was in treaty with Spain for the 
purpose of fighting the Americans: 

Ally, indeed ! 

I can not go into further detail, Mr. President. You remember 
his anger, because his troops were not permitted to go into Manila 
with his army and loot the city. Somebody denies that. It was de- 
nied here the ether day ; but in the papers that complaint, or de- 
mand, is made by his commissioners, and General Otis's reply, stating 
that there is no "spoil of war" according to our code of war, ad- 
dressed to Aguinaldo himself as in reply to a demand of his. No 
repudiation of it ever came from Aguinaldo. 

For months before he attacked us his position had been one of 
hostility. His soldiers had occupied a position of hostility. 

It is said we recognized his cooperaton and he cooperated wth us 
in going in and taking Manila. I will not spend much time upon 
that except to say that one of his bitter complaints was from the be- 
ginning that he was ignored by the American commander; that our 
plans were not given to him ; and when our troops attacked Manila 
he complained that he did not even have notice of it, apparently 
which was true. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. As the Senator seems to be addressing me — 

Mr. SPOONER. That was not my purpose. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. I think that I am justified in interrupting him,, 
with his permission. 

Mr. SPOONER. I always address the most intelligent man on the 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Here again, Mr. President, the Senator is 
undertaking to compliment me because he thinks my education, hav- 
ing been tinder his father and under his tutelage, will reflect great 
honor upon himself. I will release him from any further allusion. 
to that subject. 

Mr. SPOONER. It was under my father's; not under mine. My 
father taught the Senator law. I am trying to teach him patriotism. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Well, I am very glad to receive such instruc- 
tion as the Senator can give ; but it seems to me his stock is meager, 
or he would be more jealous of the honor of our flag than to defend 
the attack, under that banner, upon the liberties of another people. 

Mr. SPOONER. I love the flag. Mr. President, I would be 
ashamed of the flag if it were the flag of a Government that had ever 
attacked the liberties of a people ; and when I say to the Senator that, 
in my eye, there is no stain upon the flag — there was one once, but 
blood washed it away ; there has been none oince : there 
never will be one again — he will assume from my reply that I deny 
his statement that under our flag an attack has been made by this 
Government upon the liberties of a people. Will the Senator tell me 
where the flag of the United States has ever gone but as the flag of 
liberty, except, perhaps, to Mexico in the interest of slavery? 

Mr. PETTIGREW. I will answer the Senator. I presume the infor- 
mation is correct, as all the information we get from Manila is cen- 
sored. The newspapers publish a dispatch saying that our flag went 


to one of those islands, and, without losing a man, we murdered 300 
of its inhabitants, and all within a month. 

Mr. SPOONER. Mr. President, censoring is necessary, 
sometimes, and I suppose it was necessary over in Manila, 
as it always is in the midst of military operations. I 
think if there had l/een a censorship here there would 
have been less insurrection and bloodshed there. I do not mean to 
say anything against free speech, but I do mean to say, and I will 
prove it, that the cable has carried from here over there in rich 
abundance an encouragement to a prolongation of insurrection and 
warfare in the Philippines. I have no criticism of any word uttered 
in debate upon the treaty, whatever its effect might be. That was a 
present duty, that was a question pending before us for debate, and 
every Senator was right to give expression to every thought which 
occurred to him for it or against it. It is not always true morally, 
even in a free country, and I can remember the time when a great 
many good men in this country wept bitter tears of heartbreaking 
sorrow over words which, in the exercise of free speech, were 
spoken, which brought death, they thought, into many a home. 

There is no reason, so far as I know, to believe that General 
Otis has kept any information from the President of the United 
States, from the Secretary of War, or from the Adjutant-General. 
He may have censored some things to the newspapers ; every gov- 
ernment in the world does that in time of war, and must do it. 

I was saying that Aguinaldo bitterly complained — and there is 
nothing in the talk about our recognizing him and dealing with him 
as an ally and recognizing his forces as the forces of the government 
— that he was not notified even of our purpose, the time, or the plan 
of our attack upon Manila. It is stated, and I think it is true, that 
a portion of his men fired upon our troops — possibly by misad- 
venture ; that fifty of our men took 150 arms from his men, which 
were afterward returned ; and all the time in correspondence, Aguin- 
aldo, so far from claiming recognition by our generals, is complain- 
ing that he did not receive it ; and over and over again he was in- 
formed by General Anderson, by General Merritt, by General Otis 
in writing that the military officers of the United States had no 
power to recognize his government or him as President. 

Thursday, May 24, 1900. 

Mr. SPOONER. Yesterday, Mr. President, before I yielded 
the floor I had called the attention of the Senate to a letter written 
by Aguinaldo to the Spanish general, Rios, in command of Iloilo, 
October 25, before the commissioners at Paris had demanded a 
cession of the Philippine Archipelago, and of course before it had 
been ceded, in which he besought the Spanish general to surrender 
to him and not to the Americans and to join him with his troops 
and the 9,000 prisoners held by Aguinaldo in fighting the Ameri- 
cans. I called attention to it because it is irrefutable evidence and 
meets many charges found in the extended propaganda which for 
months has been flooding this country against the honor of the 
United States as represented by the Administration in their treat- 
ment of Aguinaldo and his forces. 

In this book of Aguinaldo's (and I do not read it for the purpose 
of denouncing him as a man not only of bad faith, but of want of 
veracity) appears a statement which I shall read. This is addressed 
to the nations of the world, attempting to set forth the breach of 
promise made by consuls and by Admiral Dewey, stating his victories 
and the extent of his control, and appealing for recognition. He says : 

I, Emilio Aguinaldo, though the humble servant of all, am, :is presi lent "f 


the Philippine republic, charged with the safeguarding of tl<e rights and in- 
dependence of the people who appointed me to such an exalted position of 
trust and responsibility — 

]t is true the people did not appoint him; he appointed himself— 

mistrusted for the first time the honor of the Americans, perceiving of course 
that this proclamation of General Otis completely exceeded the limits of pru- 
dence, and that therefore no other course was open to me but to repel with 
arms such unjust and unexpected procedure on the part of tha commander of 
friendly forces. 

This was several months after Aguinaldo had written to the 
Spanish general asking him to surrender Iloilo to him and to join 
with his forces in fighting the Americans, the hated Spanish flag and 
the beloved Philippine republic flag to float side by side, and yet he 
says that he mistrusted our honor for the first time when General 
Otis issued his proclamation January 4, 1899. 

Much has been made of the statement that we recognized Aguin- 
aldo by turning over our sick to him. It was made in the Senate 
Chamber the other day. If there is any foundation for it in the 
papers accessible I have not been able to find it. It undoubtedly 
arises out of a request made by our officers of Aguinaldo. They 
treated him with the utmost courtesy. Our commanding officer made 
request to be permitted to establish a hospital on some high ground 
in the suburbs within his lines — a simple request in the interest of 
human life that any friendly commander would immediately grant. 
He refused it, and the General in reply stated that he had upon 
investigation come to the conclusion that the establishment of such 
a hospital was not necessary. 

It is said' we recognized him by turning over our prisoners to him. 
This refers — and I will spend but a moment upon it — to the troops 
captured by our naval forces at Subig Bay without any cooperation or 
assistance from Aguinaldo, although at that time he professed to 
be friendly, and our people were treating him as friendly. As the 
Spanish soldiers would not accept parole, and as there was not room 
for them upon the war ships, and as we had no soldiers there, the 
Admiral states that he left them in charge of Aguinaldo, first ex- 
acting the pledge that they should be decently treated as prisoners 
of war. They were our prisoners of war. That is all there is of 

It has been said that the outbreak of hostilities was brought about 
by us. On the papers I denounce that as without the slightest foun- 
dation. On the contrary, I assert here, and it is susceptible of proof, 
not only that the attack upon our troops was made by the troops of 
Aguinaldo, but that it was long premeditated. Why do I say that? 
I say it, Mr. President, among other things, for this reason: I hold 
in my hand a cable dated Manila, May 7, 1900, from General Mac- 
Arthur, as gallant and chivalrous a soldier as ever served in any 
army. It refers to a paper captured the other day from Aguinaldo's 
troops in the mountains by General Funston. It throws a great light 
upon the fact which has been in contention : 

Manila, May 7, 1900. 

Referring to cable 5th instant re Aguinaldo's orders for uprising Manila. 
Order contains ever thousand words, mostly detailed instructions street fight- 
ing; involves certain acts treachery — use boiling liquids from upper windows 
by women and children. Assassination American officers implied, not posi- 
tively ordered. Paper principally valuable account date, January 9, 1899, evi- 
dencing well developed plans of offensive insurgents before outbreak. Im- 
portance full text insufficient justify expense cabling. Unless absolutely re- 
quired will not cable. Otis took original. 


It would have cost $2,000 to cable it. There are a thousand words 
in the order, written in the Tagalos language, with Aguinaldo's own 


signature to it, dated January 7, many_, many days before the out- 
break of hostilities, which occurred on February 4. 

Ally! A man brutally attacked, the friend of liberty and our 
coadjutor, by American troops! 

That is not all, Mr. President. Without limit, evidences which can 
not be disputed are susceptible of accumulation. 

[Presidency. Personal.] 
Two days before the date of this order 

Malolos, January 7, 1899. 
MY DEAR DON BENITO: I write this to ask you to send to this our 
Government the photograph you have in your house, and I will pay you tor 
whatever price you may ask. Also please buy me everything which may be 
necessary to provide the said photograph. 

I beg you to leave Manila with your family and to come here to Malolos, 
but not because I wish to frighten you — I merely wish to warn you for your 
satisfaction, although it is not yet the day or the week. 
Your affectionate friend, who kisses your hands, 


The week fixed was the first week in February, the day fixed was 
the 5th day of February, and the outbreak came one day before it 
was intended. 

Gen. Charles King, a gallant and noble soldier of the Regular 
Army, years ago wounded in the Indian wars, and retired, but un- 
willing to remain inactive during the Spanish-American war, in 
which he was a general officer, has written to me the following letter. 

Milwaukee, Wis., May 5, 1900. 

DEAR SIR: The conditions in front of my brigade preceding the outbreak 
of February 4, 1899, were as follows: 

The line of delimitation extended along the estuaries from Pandacan Point 
on my extreme left to blockhouse 12 on my extreme right. Only one bridge 
crossed the estuary. It was directly in front of my center at blockhouse 11. 

It was distinctly prescribed that under arms, neither Americans nor insur- 
gents should cross that line. 

On December 21, insurgent guards, under arms, crossed to our side, and 
a clash with our sentries was narrowly averted. General Ricarti promised 
that it should not occur again, but on December 29, and once before, the same 
thing happened. After January 1, 1899, although the insurgents were allowed, 
unarmed, to wander at will within our lines, they ordered our officers back. By 
January 3 there were significant demonstrations. Earthworks and redoubts 
grew with every night, and up to January 8 Filipino families in great numbers 
passed out of town to the country, carrying their goods with them. The in- 
surgents increased the guard at the bridge opposite my center. From this 
time I could see their working parties flitting about the opposite fields all 
night long; reported the intrenchments rapidly growing, but we were for- 
bidden to make counter demonstration. 

After January 15 insurgent officers and men repeatedly threatened and in- 
sulted my sentries, daring them to fight, calling them cowards, flashing their 
swords in their faces. In order to do this they had to come across the bridge. 
We were ordered to pay no attention to threats or abuse, and the situation 
grew constantly more strained until the general attack made by the insur- 
gents the night of Saturday, February 4, and morning of Sunday, February 5. 

General MacArthur's report, herewith, tells of the attack north of the Pasig 
River. It was there the battle began. At 2.40 Sunday morning the insur- 
gents made a deliberate attack in force on my line south of the Pasig. It 
was provoked by no shot or demonstration on our part. Every forbearance 
was shown. 

Very respectfully, 

Late Brigadier-General, U. S. V. 


United States Senate, Washington, D. C. 

Thus it appears that during those weeks, Mr. President, every 
night, the time was spent by Aguinaldo's forces in making earth- 
works and redoubts around Manila. Why were they doing this 
around Manila? Why were they adding to their fortifications? Were 
they anticipating an attack from the Spanish troops? The Spanish 
troops had surrendered months before and had been transported back 
to Spain. They were getting ready for a fight with the soldiers of 


the United States. They had no reason to anticipate an> 
attack from us. The President, as the cablegrams 

show, over and over again, all the time, whenever 
word came from Manila from our officers of bad blood be- 
tween the two armies or of insult to our men, of every conceivable 
taunt and attempt to provoke a resort to violence upon our part,, 
never failed to cable there, not to resort to force; not to break the 
peace: and General Otis, only a few days before the outbreak, wrote 
the following letter to Aguinaldo: 

Permit me now briefly, General, to speak of the serious misunderstanding 
which exists between the Philippine people and the representatives of the 
United States Government, and which I hope that our Commissioners, by 
thorough discussion, may be able to dispel. I sincerely believe that all de- 
sire peace and harmony, and yet by the machinations of evil-disposed persons 
we have been influenced to think that we occupy the position of adversaries. 
The Filipinos appear to think that we meditate an attack, while I am under 
the strictest orders of the President of the United States to avoid a conflict 
in every way possible. 

The President did his duty in the interest of peace. General Otis- 
did his duty in the interest of peace in notifying Aguinaldo directly 
that he was under the strictest orders to avoid a conflict. 

My troops, witnessing the earnestness and the comparatively disturbed and 
unfriendly attitude of the revolutionary troops, and many of the citizens ot 
Manila, conclude that active hostilities have been determined upon, although 
it must be clearly within the comprehension of unprejudiced and reflecting 
minds that the welfare and happiness of the Philippine people depend upon 
the friendly protection of the United States. i lie hand of Spain was forced, 
and she has acknowledged before the world that all her claimed rights in this 
country have departed by due process of law. 

This treaty acknowledgment, with the conditions which accompany it,, 
awaits ratification by the Senate of the United States, and the action of its 
Congress must also be secured before the Executive of that Government can 
proclaim a definite policy. That policy must conform to the will of the 
people of the United States, expressed through its Representatives in Con- 
gress. For that action the Filipino people should wait, at least, before sev- 
ering their existing friendly relations. I am governed by a desire to further 
the interests of the Filipino people, and shall continue to labor with that 
end in view. There shall be no conflict of forces if 1 am able to avoid it, 
and still I shall endeavor to maintain a position to meet all emergencies. 

What more could be asked by the most critical "anti-imperialist,"" 
as some of these gentlemen call themselves ? What more toward the 
preservation of peace could the President have done or could our 
generals have done? Nothing more. It was the farthest from our 
thought, the farthest from our wish, to have trouble there. Our 
foroes had not gone there for trouble with the Filipinos. 

Mr. President, it has been thought and stated many times, and it 
will be stated again, that if the Senate had passed the Bacon reso- 
lution after the ratification of the treaty there would have been no 
war. The Bacon resolution was pending; a Filipino commission 
headed by Agoncillo was here in the city; that resolution had not 
been acted upon ; even the treaty had not been acted upon. They 
knew in the Philippines of the pendency of the treaty ; they knew in 
the Philippines of the pendency of the Bacon resolution, and when it 
came before the Senate and was voted upon, I believe it was only lost 
by the casting vote of the Vice-President. 

Bui they would not wait. This second George Washington; this 
man who wanted only liberty and independence, although he had 
been trading with the Spaniards from June 9 to fight us; this man 
surrounded by international lawyers ; this man and his people capa- 
ble of independent government, could not wait. Why not? Puffed 
with the pride and the vanity of the Oriental that so disgusted Ad- 
miral Dewey with him, within thirty days after he arrived at Ma- 
nila, thinking he could drive us out of the Philippines, he was not 
willing to wait. 


It has been said that we fired the" first shot." In one sense, that 
is true. I will not read the statement from the report of the com- 
mission as to the details of the situation out of which came hostilities. 
It is known of all men, it is not open to dispute, that on that night 
of February 4 a lieutenant, and, I think, four private soldiers, and 
possibly one non-commissioned officer, came three times within our 
lines, where they had no right to be, and attempted to force the 
guard. Three times that sentry halted them, and on the third time 
on their approach he fired. He was not obliged to halt them more 
than once, but the third time he fired, I think it is stated, killing the 
lieutenant. Thereupon, simultaneously and almost immediately, 
there was a general attack from the Filipino lines upon our lines. 

It was stated here the other day that our sentry was where he 
had no right to be. Is that true? The Senator from South Dakota 
[Mr. Pettigrew] said he could prove it. When before did the mere 
shot of a sentry or a guard precipitate a general firing along the 
whole line? Never, unless it was a prearranged signal. Such a 
thing never was known, I believe, in the history of war. Philippine 
soldiers had been shot before by American sentinels, I think once at 
least ; but evidently by arrangement there was a general firing upon 
our troops along the entire line. 

From the report of General MacArthur this appears : 

The pertinacity of the insurgents in passing armed parties over the line^ of 
delimitation into American territory, at a point nearly opposite the pipe-line 
outposts of the Nebraska regiment, induced a correspondence which, in the 
light of subsequent events, is interesting, as indicating with considerable 
precision a premeditated purpose on the part of somebody in the insurgent 
army to force a collision at that point. The original note from these head- 
quarters, which was prepared after conference with the department commander, 
was carried by Major Strong, who entered the insurgent lines and placed the 
paper in the hands of Colonel San Miguel. The answer of Colonel San Mi- 
guel was communicated in an autograph note, which was written in the pres- 
ence of Major Strong, who also saw Colonel San Miguel write an order to his 
officer at the outpost in question, directing him to withdraw from the Ameri- 
can side of the line. This order Major Strong saw delivered to the officer 
on the outpost. The correspondence referred to is as follows, the original of 
Colonel San Miguel's note, which was written in the Spanish language, being 
inclosed herewith: 

Manila, Philippine Islands, February 2, 1899. 
Commanding General Philippine Troops in Third Zone: 

SIR: The line between your command and my command has long been 
established, and is well understood by yourself and myself. 

It is quite necessary, under present conditions, that, this line should not 
be passed by armed men of either command. 

An armed party from your command now occupies the village in front of 
blockhouse No. 7, at a point considerably more than 100 yards on my side 
of the line, and is very active in exhibiting hostile intentions. This party 
must be withdrawn to your side of the line at once. 

From this date, if the line is crossed by your men with arms in their hands, 
they must be regarded as subject to such action as I may deem necessary. 
Very respectfully, 

Major-General, U. S. V., Commanding. 
San Juan Del Monte, February 2, 1899. 
Major-General MacARTHUR. 

MY VERY DEAR SIR: In reply to yours dated this day, in which you 
inform me that my soldiers have been passing the line of demarcation fixed 
by agreement, I desire to say that this is foreign to my wishes, and I shall 
give immediate orders in the premises that they retire. 
Truly, yours, 

Colonel and First Chief. 
At about 8.30 p. m., February 4, an insurgent patrol consisting of 4 armed 
soldiers entered our territory at blockhouse No. 7 and advanced to the little 
village of Santol, which was occupied from the pipe-line outpost of the Ne- 
braska regiment. (This, it will be observed, was precisely the point referred 
to in the correspondence above quoted.) The American sentinel challenged 
twice, and then, as the insurgent patrol continued to advance, he fired, 


whereupon the patrol retired to blockhouse No. 7, from whence fire was imme- 
diately opened by the entire insurgent outpost at thai point. 

,-. Notice that the line of delimitation had been agreed upon; it had 
been long established; there had been many attempts to force that 
line, and General MacArthur called the attention of General San 
Miguel to the fact of an army patrol, in disregard of the line es- 
tablished, coming with hostile intent, apparently, into our lines, and 
asked him to stop it, giving him fair notice that if repeated it would 
be treated as an evidence of hostility. The officer replied that he 
would. On the night of February 4, the night when hostilities broke 
out, the offense was repeated at that precise spot. Can anyone doubt 
what that was for? Can any man who is unwilling to see anything 
in all this business but dishonor and brutality and crime upon the 
part of an American President and of American generals and Ameri- 
can troops doubt that the patrol went there in order to force a hostile 
shot from the American troops? 

But that is not all, Mr. President. I have before me a letter from 
Manila, written by a man whom I believe to be entirely reliable, 
the special correspondent of the Outlook. I have read many of his 
letters. They are frank letters ; they have indulged in some criticisms 
upon us as wanting here and there in the requisite tact, tfat certainly 
he seems to be a reliable man, as he certainly is an intelligent one. 
He says : 

I have seen letters sent by Aguinaldo to his chie* men in Manila at that 
time — 

Referring to the outbreak — 

directing them to arm and instruct the secret regiments that had been raised 
inside the town. 

Shortly before the outbreak. 

Finally, about February 1, he notified the officers that they were to rise on 
the sth, and that simultaneously he would invade the city. Over 2,000 Spanish 
soldiers who were then being fed and housed by the Americans had enlisted 
in these secret regiments. 

The man, Teodoro Sandico, who issued the order which was 
sought to be carried out on the night of the 22d of February (Wash- 
ington's birthday), for the extermination not only of our forces but 
of the families of all Europeans, Americans, Spaniards, Hollanders, 
Frenchmen, and English, men, women, and children, without com- 
passion, as the order reads, had been busy for weeks organizing 
clubs in Manila, apparently social clubs, but really enlisted troops; 
and it is a fact which no man can gainsay, and which no man will 
gainsay, that the night when this outbreak occurred there were 
10,000 organized soldiers in Manila to aid the outside troops in 
capturing the city and destroying the people. 

I said they attempted on the night of February 22, after this out- 
break, to carry out the order of Sandico. I find among the papers 
the report of one officer who headed the troops for that purpose, 
who set fire to some buildings, and who happened to discover when 
he reached the spot where he was to do more of that work that the 
Americans had been warned and were ready to receive him ; and if 
it had not been for friendly Filipinos ; if it had not been for inter- 
cepted correspondence ; if it had not been for the care and skill of 
General Hughes, the provost-marshal, there would have occurred, 
Mr. President, on that night a massacre so shocking that the world 
never, never would have forgotten it. 

We commenced the war ! Why? Because ''we fired the first shot." 
That has been said over and over and over again in 
this Senate and elsewhere. In very many cases of 

self - defense the man who is attacked fires the first 


shot. One might as well say that if a caravan crossing the 
plains in the olden days, the savages circling, as was ':eir wont, 
around it, drawing nearer and nearer, in war paint, should fire first 
upon them to drive them away, they began hostilities upon the sav- 
ages. They would have fired the first shot. A man approaching the 
Senator from Iowa [Mr. Allison] at night, with a revolver in his 
hand, evidently intent upon violence, might, with as much propriety, 
say, if the Senator shot him, being quick and prompt, and wounded 
him, "You commenced hostilities; you fired the first shot." 

It often happens, it generally happens, that when an advancing 
force reaches a picket line the first shot is fired by the pickets of 
the army which they seek to attack. It is the rule. They fire to give 
warning; they fire to give the alarm, and then there is firing along 
the whole picket line, from the reserves to the end; and then comes 
the beating of the long roll; then the forces are aroused, and men 
are ready in all the regiments or corps or divisions, as the case 
may be, to meet the attack; but the picket who fired the first shot 
against the enemy advancing could not be said to have commenced 
hostilities. It is too absurd to talk about. 

That night, Mr. President, Aguinaldo promptly issued his declara- 
tion of war. It has been said that the next day — and that has been 
one of the principal counts in this indictment — General Torres came 
into our lines under a flag of truce from Aguinaldo, saying that the 
firing was accidental, that Aguinaldo had not ordered the attack, and 
asking for an armistice and for an agreement upon a neutral zone in 
order to prevent further hostilities between the armies, and that Gen- 
eral Otis replied: "No; fighting has begun and it must go on to 
the grim end." I lament the shedding of blood ; I hate brutality, and 
therefore I hate war; but, Mr. President, I stand here to say that 
had the facts been as charged here General Otis would have done 
his duty in the environment of that day in refusing an armistice. 

Why? Here was our little army of 17,000 men only, 7,000 miles 
away, occupying the city of Manila, with enemies all around them 
within the city, and enemies all around them without the city, with 
information that gave them the right to believe that not only was 
an attack meditated upon the city, but an atrocity — surrounded by 
10,000,000 of possible hostiles, a strange and alien people, a people 
who had been prejudiced against us, vast numbers of whom had been 
excited and agitated by the appeals of Aguinaldo, claiming to have 
then an army of 30,000 men outside of the city, to say nothing of 
Sandico's clubs of butchers within the city — what would be said of a 
general holding a city filled with friendly Filipinos, containing the 
families of foreigners and American officers, who, when an attack 
had been made upon him, unprovoked and wicked, would have grant- 
ed an armistice and an opportunity to consolidate forces and to 
gather in more troops, to set more fires, to mature more plans of 

If an armistice had been granted and that city had later fallen ; if 
our troops there had been overwhelmed; if the families of foreign- 
ers had been destroyed, what would have been said of General Otis? 
Every man in the United States would have called him either an idiot 
or a coward. There was nothing in the situation to lead a prudent 
commander, circumstanced as he and our army were circumstanced, 
a general attack having been made upon us, to do other than to 
press forward. But it turns out that no such flag of truce was ever 
brought to General Otis ; that no such request for an armistice was 
made of General Otis. 

The Adjutant-General, in order to be able to furnish information 


sought by a resolution of the Senate, wired General Otis as follows : 


Washington, April 30, 1900. 

OTIS, Manila: 

Cable whether General Torres came to you under flag of truce February 5, 
1899, and stated Aguinaldo declared fighting had begun accidentally and not 
authorized by him; that Aguinaldo wished it stopped, and to end hostilities 
proposed establishment of neutral zone between the two armies of width agree- 
able to you, so during peace negotiations there might be no further danger 
of conflict. Whether you replied fighting having begun must go on to grim 
end. . CORBIN. 

Here is General Otis's reply: 


Manila, May 1, iooo- 
AGWAR, Washington : 

Judge Torres, citizen, resident of Manila, who had served as member insur- 
gent commission, reported evening February 5 asking — 

It was a purely voluntary thing on his part. He did not claim to 
come from Aguinaldo. He did not claim to speak for Aguinaldo. 

if something could not be done to stop the fighting, as establishment of neu- 
tral zone. I replied Aguinaldo had commenced the fighting and must apply 
for cessation; I had nothing to request from insurgent government. 

Thai was right — 

He asked permission to send Colonel Arguellez to Malolos, and Arguellez 
was passed through lines near Caloocan next morning. He went direct to 
Malolos, told General Aguinaldo and Mabina that General Otis would permit 
suspension of hostlities upon their request. They replied declaration of war 
had been made, a copy of which they furnished him. 

That was the answer they gave him. When informed by General 
Otis that there would be a cessation of hostilities if requested by 
Aguinaldo, they sent to General Otis a declaration of war : 

They said they had no objection to suspension of hostilities, but beyond this 
general remark made no response, but directed him to return with that mes- 
sage. Arguellez reported that he conveyed my statement; that they had com- 
menced the war, and it must go on since they had chosen that course of 
action, but did not attempt to induce them to make any proposition, as he 
feared accusation of cowardice. The insurgent chief authorities made no 
proposition and did not intend to make any, nor did they attempt to do so 
until driven out of Malolos. My hasty dispatch of about that date mislead- 
ing. * * * 


That is what General Otis says, and I received in the mail this 
noon an insulting letter from a prominent "anti-imperialist" in Bos- 
ton, whom I do not know, referring to General Otis as untruthful for 
sending this dispatch. 
_ Mr. ALLEN. Will the Senator permit me to make a statement 
right there? I will not occupy his time. 

Mr. SPOONER. Yes, sir. 

Mr. ALLEN. It may be of some interest to the Senator and to 
the Senate to know that I have been told by an officer, whose name 
I do not speak, because to do so would imperil his position, that he 
was present at General Otis's headquarters when General Torres 
came forward with a flag of truce, as is stated in a document the Sen- 
ator has read. That officer is yet alive, and he is a gentleman of en- 
tire integrity. He is still in the Army, and so I do not think it 
proper to disclose his name. 

Mr. SPOONER. If he charges falsehood upon the commanding 
general he ought to do it in the open. 

Mr. ALLEN. He can not afford to do it. 

Mr. SPOONER. Then he ought to shut up. 

Mr. ALLEN. No, sir. There is no reason why a man should not 
tell the truth, though he can not afford to disclose his name. 

Mr. SPOONER. He can afford to disclose his name if he tells 
the truth and charges his commanding officer with telling a lie. A 


•court-martial would take care of his case, and that of the command- 
ing general, too. 

Mr. ALLEN. This man would imperil his office by inviting a 
court-martial to inquire into the facts. 

Mr. SPOONER. He would not imperil his office under any de- 
cent government in the world, Mr. President, by telling in a respect- 
ful way the truth. 

Mr. ALLEN. That might be true, Mr. President. But I will not 
•occupy the Senator's time, because I shall on a proper occasion reply 
to a number of statements he has made, in which I beg to differ with 
him as to the facts and proofs ; but I can not afford to give that 
officer's name, knowing how the Army of the United States is run. 
It would imperil him by disclosing the truth, and he would not do so 
unless it was absolutely necessary to make a disclosure. 

Mr. SPOONER. Mr. President, there never was a time when the 
Army of the United States, illustrious as its history is, was com- 
manded by more honorable men than those who command it to-day, 
from the Commander in Chief down. 

Mr. ALLEN. I have not said anything to the contrary. 

Mr. SPOONER. And, Mr. President, I must be pardoned if I pay 
more regard to this unequivocal statement made by General Otis to 
the Commander in Chief than I do to the statement of a man made 
to the Senator from Nebraska for use in the campaign probably 

Mr. ALLEN. No, sir. 

Mr. SPOONER. Whose name can not be given to the public. 
General Otis signed his statement. Mr. President, I have not much 
respect for a man who goes behind the back of his general to contra- 
dict him. 

Mr. ALLEN. Will the Senator permit a remark? 

.Mr. SPOONER. Certainly. 

Mr. ALLEN. The circumstances of this matter to which the Sen- 
ator refers are peculiar. 

Mr. SPOONER. There are a great many peculiar circumstances. 

Mr. ALLEN. I know there are a great many peculiar things in 
the world, and we discover them as we go on from day to day. 

Mr. SPOONER. And if some can not discover them they make 

Mr. ALLEN. No, sir. If we do not discover them we miss them, 
•and what we miss probably sometimes is much more valuable than 
what we come in contact with. 

But the fighting began between the Filipinos and a regiment which 
went from my state — the First Nebraska — and one company of that 
regiment having gone from the little city in which I live, I think I am 
in an attitude to know, if men who have always borne a good char- 
acter for truth and veracity can be believed, that the statement made 
■by General Otis is not true. 

Mr. SPOONER. Well, all that brings us to this situation; wc 
have a Senator here who, in the interest of anti-imperialism, has 
•placed upon the record the charge that the President did not tell the 

Mr. ALLEN. Who did not? 

Mr. SPOONER. The President. I do not refer to you. 

Mr. ALLEN. Thank you. 

Mr. SPOONER. We have also had placed upon the record here the 
-statement that Admiral Dewey has not told the truth. 

Mr. Allen rose. 

Mr. SPOONER. I do not refer to the Senator from Nebraska 

Mr. ALLEN. I thank you again. 


Mr. SPOONER. Now we have placed upon the record the state- 
ment that General Otis is a prevaricator. 

Mr. ALLEN. Not at all, Air. President. I do not make the charge 
that General Otis — I will not use the word "lied." The Senator 
seems to use that word with some degree of freedom. I will not 
use the word "prevaricator," because that is a milder method of ex- 
pressing the same thing. 

Mr. SPOONER. What word do you use? 

Mr. ALLEN. I will simply say that General Otis is mistaken, 
which is a still softer term. 

Mr. SPOONER. He may be mistaken about it, of course; but 
General Otis would be as likely to know as anybody else. 

Mr. ALLEN. A thousand men — 1,200 men — standing in a line 
and their officers and intelligent persons present in hearing distance, 
can not be ignored in settling a question of fact. 

Mr. SPOONER. I suppose there hardly could have been a thous- 
and men present at the conference between this officer, if he came, 
and General Otis. 

Mr. ALLEN. I suppose the old rule holds good yet which pre- 
vailed in the days when the Senator and I served in the Army, when 
a private soldier was supposed to know nothing at all. 

Mr. SPOONER. That was true in a good many instances. 

Mr. ALLEN. It was probably true, and I think in some instances 
it has held true up to this time. 

Mr. SPOONER. Yes, probably. 

Mr. ALLEN. But I hope the Senator does not propose to adopt 
that rule. We know that if there is an intelligent man upon the face 
of the earth it is the average American citizen. A man does not cease 
to see and to hear and to feel and to reason because he wears thi 
uniform of a private soldier and does not wear the epaulettes of the 
commissioned officer. These men to whom I refer and of whom 
I speak can not all be fools and all liars, and the bewhiskered gentle- 
man at the head of the Army at that time know all the truth. 

Mr. SPOONER. I should think that General Otis would have 
known more about what happened in an interview with him than the 
army would. . 

Mr. ALLEN. Would the Senator from Wisconsin know more 
about what happened in an interview between himself and the honor- 
able Senator from Iowa if the Senator from Michigan, who sits by 
him, was a listener to that conversation. 


Mr. ALLEN. No. Suppose, added to the Senator from Michigan, 
there were a dozen other men who had an equal opportunity to hear 
it, would the statement of the honorable Senator from Wisconsin or 
the honorable Senator from Iowa be taken in preference to the state- 
ments of the dozen other gentlemen who had all listened? 

Mr. SPOONER. On a matter of this kind, before answering the 
question I should want to know the politics of the man. [Laughter.] 
This is a Presidential year. 

Mr. ALLEN. I have assumed all the way through that it is pos- 
sible for a Republican to tell the truth. It may be that I am mis- 
taken. If I am, I apologize to the Senator from Wisconsin. 

Mr. SPOONER. The Senator ought to know. He was a Repub- 
lican long enough. [Laughter.] 

Mr. ALLEN. I was a Republican until I discovered that Republi- 
canism meant nothing. I had the manhood to leave that party, thank 
God. The Senator has not thus far left it. 


Mr. SPOONER. The Senator has gotten that in mv speech. He- 
became a Populist. 

Mr. ALLEN. Yes. 

Mr. SPOONER. That is nothing. 

Mr. ALLEN. Oh, no. That is, as you view it. 

Mr. SPOONER. That is, as I view it. 

Mr. ALLEN. In my humble opinion, the Senator from Wisconsin, 
in all the fullness and plenitude of his knowledge and wisdom, has ; 
never read a Populist platform. 

Mr. SPOONER. I have. 

Mr. ALLEN. You have read more than I thought you had. 

Mr. SPOONER. And I can sum it all up in one sentence, almost. 
They are opposed to everything that is 

Mr. ALLEN. And everything that may be. 

Mr. SPOONER. And in favor of everything that is not, that< 
never has been and never ought to be. [Laughter.] 

Mr. ALLEN. Will the Senator be kind enough to tell what, the 
Populist party is in favor of? 

Mr. SPOONER. No. The Senator proposes to reply to me. He 
will have time. 

Mr. ALLEN. I do propose to reply, and I propose to reply par- 
ticularly to that facetious part, and that specious part — I will not 
characterize it in stronger terms — which is calculated to gloss over 
the monstrosities that are existing in public life to-day and to meet; 
the acclaim and applause of the galleries by light and trivial sayings. 

Mr. SPOONER. The Senator can use any language he chooses. 
He need not modify his language on my account. 

Mr. ALLEN. It would be unparliamentary language. 

Mr. SPOONER. Now, I come back to the proposition that I think, 
the American people will believe General Otis, at any rate until he 
is contradicted by somebody whom they know and who comes into 
the open to dispute his statement. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Mr. President. 

Mr. SPOONER. But I must finish this afternoon, and I have not' 
said a word about the darkey or South Carolina. [Laughter.] F 
have not looked at the Senator from South Carolina. I was look- 
ing at the Senator from Nebraska. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Will not the Senator allow a slight interruption- 

Mr. SPOONER. I do not wish to. 

Mr. TILLMAN. I will not interrupt the Senator. 

Mr. SPOONER. Well, what is it? 

Mr. TILLMAN. I will direct the Senator's attention — I know he- 
is fair — to the fact that Gen. Otis has himself been his worst witness 
as to his own veracity, for the reason that he has so often tele- 
graphed that the rebellion was suppressed, and that there was noth- 
ing left of it except a few straggling bands that we have come to be- 
lieve that the war was over. Nevertheless, our latest news from 
there, even before he left and since he left, is that it is about as- 
strong opposition as it ever has been. 

Mr. SPOONER. Is that all ? 

Mr. TILLMAN. Well, then I will give the Senator another lit- 
tle bone 

Mr. SPOONER. No ; I beg pardon. 

Mr. TILLMAN. In regard to the causes of this battle and how- 
it came about and who provoked it, I read from General Otis's re- 
port, in his own words : 

The engagement was one strictly defensive on the part of the insurgents" 
and a vigorous attack by our forces. 


Mr. SPOONER. Yes ; that is right. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Then it could not have been intended by the 
insurgents and could not have been a premeditated plot. If the in- 
surgents had provoked the assault and had sent their men out to 
get shot down in order to attack the Americans, they would not 
liave been strictly on the defensive. They would have been ready 
for a rush. 

Mr. SPOONER. The Senator attempts to discredit the word of 
General Otis because he has reported from time to time that the in- 
surrection, as I call it, was suppressed ; but it turned out later that 
it was not. That was an opinion on the part of General Otis sus- 
ceptible of easy explanation and in entire harmony with his integ- 
rity. I have come to look upon General Otis as a man of great 
•ability, and I have never discovered anything — and I have studied 
these papers carefully — which would warrant the slightest imputa- 
tion upon him. I thought at one time that he was not a fit man for 
the responsible position in which he was Dlaced there. 

Mr. ALLEN. Why was he recalled? 

Mr. SPOONER. He was recalled at his own request, because he 
'had been there a long time in a climate which breaks men down, 
carrying upon his shoulders a burden of responsibility, military 
and civil, and performing an amount of labor, prodigious in its 
-character, which would break any man down. He won, in my opin- 
ion, by his conduct in the Philippines, the gratitude, to say nothing 
•of the respect, of the American people. It is true that he thought 
when he had driven the men out of this village and the other they 
would stay out, but when the rainy season came, and when our 
troops had to be withdrawn to Manila, or leave the city subject to 
loot and destruction, the insurrectionists reoccupied the positions 
from which they had been driven. That was not the fault of General 
'Otis. That was because we had not afforded him the requisite 
troops with which to carry on to consummation an Herculean task. 

Mr. ALLEN. Will the honorable Senator permit me to suggest 
•that the history of that insurrection, or whatever it may be called, 
does not furnish an instance where General Otis was on the battle- 
'field during an action. 

Mr. SPOONER. It is a matter of no consequence. The books 
are full of cablegrams, letters, orders, and communications, even as 
to the detail of movements, which show that General Otis from the 
'beginning to the end kept in touch with every movement, with 
every troop of men, and gave general directions, as he was obliged 
to take the general responsibility. 

Mr. ALLEN. Conveniently distant from the scene of danger. 

Mr. SPOONER. I suppose the Senator means by that observation 
to charge him with cowardice, does he not? 

Mr. ALLEN. I do not mean to charge him with cowardice. 

Mr. SPOONER. Then what is the point of the suggestion? 

Mr. ALLEN. I mean to say that he has never been upon the 
field of battle during an action. The Senator from Wisconsin was 
5iot there, but it does not follow that he is a coward. 

Mr. SPOONER. It was not my business to be there. 

Mr. ALLEN. It was the business of the commanding general to 
foe there. 

Mr.SPOONER. No; it was not the com manding general's business. 

Mr. ALLEN. Did the Senator ever know of a battle being 
fought before the late war where the general commanding the troops 
was not somewhere on the scene of action. 

M. SPOONER. He was not the immediate commander of the 


troops. He was the commander in chief. He occupied the same re- 
lation to the different corps — if there were corps — to the different 
brigades, and all that in the Philippines that General Grant occu- 
pied during the war over all the armies and all the commanders of 
the United States. 

Mr. ALLEN. There can not be found an instance in the history 
of over two hundred battles fought during the civil war in which the 
commander of the army was not upon the scene of the battle — not 

Mr. SPOONER. The immediate 

Mr. ALLEN. We have reports of battles, if you dignify 
them by that name, skirmish after skirmish in the Philippines, and 
Otis not upon the field of action in one of them. 

Mr. SPOONER. Oh, Mr. President, that is absurd. 

Mr. ALLEN. Well, it is true nevertheless. 

Mr. SPOONER. General Otis was there attending to his duties. 
He had good lieutenants. . . 

Mr. ALLEN. Yes, that is right. 

Mr. SPOONER. He had the brave and generous Lawton. 

Mr. ALLEN. That is right. 

Mr. SPOONER. He sleeps over here now in sight of the Capi- 
tol, among the men with whom he served for the preservation of 
this Union. The last word almost which he sent to the American 
people was that men over here were prolonging and inciting that in- 
surrection, and that if he were shot he might as well be shot by nis 
own men. 

Mr. ALLEN. I deny that he ever gave utterance to that senti- 
ment. I have heard the Senator repeat that before. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. I should like to have proof of the authentic- 
ity of that utterance, because Lawton has made statements that were 
entirely contrary to it. I have one here in my hand. The two 
do not go together. I should like to know which is the truth. 

This is from the New York World correspondent. [Laughter.] 
I see the New York World is not very popular on this side of the 
house. It is from the correspondent of the New York World in 

Mr. SPOONER. I wish the Senator would hurry. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. It says : 

General Lawton, during the last few months before his death, more than 
once expressed his discontent in his impulsive way. 

"I'm going to the Transvaal," he exclaimed one day. "They are fighting 
my way down there." 

That sounds a good deal more like Lawton than the other. 

"No, you are not," Mrs. Lawton replied. "You are going back to Cali- 
fornia with me to raise oranges." 

Then the correspondent goes on to say : 

Now, that he has gone where no influence of an enemy can be brought to 
bear on him these things may be told. It is eight months since he said that 
100,000 men were necessary for the pacification of these islands and author- 
ized the publication ■*$ the statement. 

"General Otis sceMed me about it," he said afterwards, "but I didn't go 
back on what I said." 

There are further quotations, but that is the point. 

Mr. SPOONER. I have no doubt there were times over there 
when General Lawton was not satisfied. I have heard myself that 
he was not entirely satisfied with the way he was treated. That is not 
the matter I was talking about, nor is that any contradiction of what 
I said. This paper that I have in my hand is part of a letter which 
was written by General Lawton not long before his death to the Hon. 
John Barrett, ex-minister to Siam, whom he knew. 


Mr. PETTIGREW. Do you know it was written? 

Mr. SPOONER. The Senator reminds me of a lawyer who was 
defending a prisoner for murder. The evidence showed that the de- 
fendant stood with a revolver when the other man approached and 
fired it, and when he fired it the man fell dead. On cross-examina- 
tion of a witness who saw it the counsel said to him, "Did you see 
this defendant?" "Yes." "Where was he?" "Well, he stood so and 
so." "Did he have a revolver in his hand?" "Yes." "Was it pointed 
at the deceased?" "Yes." "How far from him was it?" "Twelve 
feet." "Did he fire it?" "Yes." "Did the deceased drop when he fired 
it?" "Yes." "Did you go to him?" "Yes." "Was he dead?" "Yes." 
"Now, sir; I ask you to inform the jury, on your oath, whether you 
saw any bullet go out of the barrel of that revolver." [Laughter.] 

General Lawton wrote — and this is altogether apart from what I 
wanted to say to the Senate — 

I would to God that the whole truth of this whole Philippine situation 
could be known by everyone in America as I know it. If the so-called anti- 
imperialists would honestly ascertain the truth on the ground and not in dis- 
tant America, they, whom I believe to be honest men misinformed, would be 
convinced of the error of their statements and conclusions, and of the un- 
fortunate effect of their publications here. If I am shot by a Filipino bullet 
it might as well come from one of my own men, because I know from obser- 
vations, confirmed by captured prisoners, that the continuance of fighting is 
chiefly due to reports that are sent out from America. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. What I asked was, What proof have you 
that that was written by Lawton? 

Mr. SPOONER. In the first place, it was a signed letter written 
to Mr. John Barrett, and I assume he wrote it, because I believe it 
expresses the truth. 

Mr. ALLEN. Have you the original letter? 

Mr. SPOONER. No; I have not the original letter. 

Mr. ALLEN. You have a printed copy? 

Mr. SPOONER. This printed extract. 

Mr. ALLEN. That is all. 

Mr. SPOONER. Yes. If that is not enough I will furnish the 
original letter. 

Mr. ALLEN. That would be better. 

Mr. SPOONER. I do not know. Most men would be satisfied 
with the word of a man who had received the letter. Mr. Barrett 
told me he received the letter. 

Mr. ALLEN. It would depend upon the veracity of the person 
who said he had read the letter. 

Mr. SPOONER. It would depend upon whether it was an original 
and authentic letter. 

Mr. ALLEN. I have seen it contradicted a half a dozen times. 

Mr, SPOONER. By whom? 

Mr. ALLEN. By reporters and others who profess to know. X 
can not call their names now. I know the Senator had it in his 
desk four months ago. He read it four months ago, or shortly after 
Lawton died, 

Mr. SPOONER. I will read it again. 

Mr. ALLEN. It has done duty here on several occasions. But 
that is not what I rose for. I wish to make a parliamentary in- 

Mr. President, I have never seen the rules of the Senate violated 
without some steps being taken to check it until an occasion like this 
comes up. There has been constant and repeated violation of the 
rules of the Senate during this discussion by the occupants of the 
galleries and by gentlemen who have the privileges of the floor. _ I 
want now to insist — I am perfectly willing the Senator from Wis- 
consin srfell have all the applause he sees fit to enjoy 


Mr. SPOONER. I need all I get. 

Mr. ALLEN. I have no doubt of that, but I certainly insist that 
for political purposes and to aid imperialism and its greed for 

Mr^ SPOONER. I thought the Senator wanted to make a point 
of order. 

Mr. ALLEN. I am stating it. 

Mr. SPOONER. There is no imperialism in our rules that I know 

Mr. ALLEN. The Senator should not put words in my mouth 
or tell me how I should state my proposition. The traditions and 
rules of the Senate should not be constantly violated, and the Senate 
of the United States turned into a town caucus. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. There has been no applause or 
disturbance from the galleries during this speech. 

Mr. ALLEN. I beg to differ. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. There has been laughter on the 
part of Senators themselves, and the Chair has no right to call a 
Senator to order for laughter. 

Mr. ALLEN. I beg the Chair's pardon. There was applause in 
the galleries. Sitting where I sit, I have heard it from the galleries. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Chair has heard no applause. 

Mr. ALLEN. I have. 

Mr. SPOONER. There it is again. [Laughter.] This is a day 

Mr. TELLER. There certainly has been great confusion in the 
Chamber and great confusion in the galleries. I think that it is time 
that confusion ceased, particularly on the floor of the Senate. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Mr. President, I wish simply to refer to 
what has already been said in connection with the Lawton matter 
very briefly, if I may be permitted. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Does the Senator from Wisconsin 
yield to the Senator from South Dakota? 

Mr. SPOONER. Always. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. I am not inclined to interrupt another Sen- 
ator when he is making a speech. I seldom do it. and I think my 
fellow- Senators will bear me out in saying that, but I must say that 
it seems to me there has been a studied effort in the last few days 
to compel me to take a part in this debate by very pointed and direct 
allusions that justified what little participation I may have had in it. 
Therefore I do not feel like apologizing for what I may say. 

I do not believe the statement, on the proof presented, came from 
General Lawton. I will believe it when such proof is brought as 
would satisfy a jury and be considered evidence. The statement is 
not like Lawton. The New York World correspondence is more 
like him. It seems to me it is going very far for any one to 
stand up in the Senate and undertake to insist, in view of all the 
facts that surround the case, that the people who believe that we 
ought to withdraw our armed forces and stoo killing those people 
are guilty of the killing of our troops. 

When Aguinaldo sent word that he wanted a truce, that we coi*ld 
fix the boundaries of a neutral zone, and we declined to answer, and 
the killing has gone on ever since, I submit that those who are so 
jealous of the honor of our flag that they object to its being used 
to destroy the liberties of other people, are not responsible for the 
killing that has resulted since that time. The responsibility rests 
upon those who insist on continuing a war of conquest in an effort 
to subject a people to a rule distasteful and unsatisfactory to thern, 
and the lesponsibility is on no one else. It is in bad taste, unjustified 


under any circumstances, to bring into this forum any such charge ; 
and I do not believe Lawton ever did it. 

Mr. SPOONER. I will undertake to satisfy the Senator that the 
letter is a genuine letter. 

The Senator from South Carolina quoted from General Otis that 
in the fighting that night the insurrectionists acted "strictly upon 
the defensive" and that our troops acted upon the aggressive. The 
Senator construes that as a statement by General Otis that we were 
responsible for the outbreak of hostilities. That is a manifest mis- 
construction'. General Otis is there giving a report to the Secretary of 
War, using the language of a soldier to his superior officer, and he 
is referring to the operation of that battle from the tactical stand- 
point and not to the responsibility for opening the hostilities. It 
undoubtedly is true, as he states, that the Philippine army was in- 
trenched partly around Manila. They fired upon our men from in- 
trenchments, and the American soldiery, in self-defense charged 
those intrenchments and assumed the aggressive, and drove them out 
of the intrenchments and out of the suburbs. 

That is obviously what is meant by General Otis — that the one 
army fought behind intrenchments and did not charge, and that 
the other army charged the intrenchments and drove the enemy out ; 
and that is in accord with the facts. I am glad the Senator called 
my attention to it because I had heard that statement before as au- 
thority for the proposition that General Ctis had reported that the 
American troops opened hostilities and were the aggressors. They 
are the soldiers who charged the Filipinos after they had opened 
a general fire upon our lines. But General Otis w-o informed that 
rockets of a certain sort had been agreed upon as the signal upon 
which there should be a general engagement, and Admiral Dewey 
has stated that when the sentry fired the shot, followed by a fusillade, 
those rockets which had been agreed upon as a signal for attack, he 
saw from his ship. 

It has been said here, and it shows how forced to a ridiculous con- 
tention some of our friends are, that possibly as the lieutenant and 
his men did not understand the English language, they may not have 
understood the sentry when he called "Halt !" 

Mr. President, think of it. There is not a soldier in the world 
who does not know, when a sentry stands with gun in hand, what it 
means, and when he utters a word with gun in hand, even an Indian 
on the plains knows what it means. It is the language of war. It 
means stop. It is more than mere language ; it is more than a mere 
word. The attitude itself and the duty which the soldier is perform- 
ing speak for themselves. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Mr. President, I will assist the Senator in trying 
to bring out the facts. I should be glad if the Senator would allow 
me to make a suggestion. 

Mr. SPOONER. I am paying a pretty heavy price for the assis- 
tance. I am anxious to get through. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Why does the Senator look at the clock when I 
get up ? 

Mr. SPOONER. The Senator does not own the clock. 

Mr. TILLMAN. I do not claim to own the clock. 

Mr. SPOONER. I looked at the clock 

Mr. TILLMAN. If the Senator objects to my interruption 

Mr. SPOONER. I looked at the clock because I am anxious to 
get through. 

Mr. TILLMAN. I do not think the Senator ought to object to giv- 
ing the great pleasure he has been giving us now for three evenings 


in succession ; and I am satisfied he has received attention as no 
other man has during this whole cession of Congress. I have drunk 
in every word I could of his, and I have enjoyed it as much as though 
he were fighting on my side, because it is the most magnificent piece of 
special pleading that I have ever listened to or that I believe has 
ever been uttered on this floor. 

Mr. SPOONER. Mr. President, I am chagrined that my observa- 
tions have taken a portion of three cessions. I ask my colleagues to 
remember that it has been largely due to interruptions. But now I 
desire to be permitted to finish what I have to say without inter- 

Mr. TILLMAN. Of course, I will not interrupt the Senator if he 

Mr. SPOONER. I am anxious to be through for many reasons. 

Mr. President, I will not take further time upon the question as 
to who commenced the battle. I will not discuss it in detail, although 
I would have been glad to do it, if I had not already been beguiled 
into delay on matters which are important to be considered in con- 
nection with this branch of the subject. 

There is one significant thing which I have never heard alluded 
to by those who are so anxious and industrious to impress upon the 
people that we brought on hostilities and that we have been making 
war upon a people struggling for independence, and that is this: 

Professor Worcester, in his address, "Some aspects of the Philip- 
pine question," states that under date of February 12, General Otis 
sent the following dispatch: 

Reported that insurgent representative at Washington telegraphed Aguinaldo 
to drive out Americans before arrival of reinforcements. The dispatch re- 
ceived Hongkong and mailed to Malolos, which decided on attack to be made 
about 7th. Eagerness of insurgent troops to engage precipitated battle. 

There is the strongest possible corroboration of that statement. 
I know that in this city, stopping at the Arlington Hotel during the 
time we were debating the treaty, was a Filipino commission head- 
ed by Agoncillo, one of the Philippine junta, one who made an im- 
portant speech on May 5 at the meeting which decided that Agui- 
naldo against his will, should go to Manila. 

And I know, Mr. President, that before any of us knew in this 
country that there had b'een any outbreak in Manila Agoncillo and 
one of his associates left the hotel. He left at midnight February 4 
and went to Canada by the shortest route, and by the time we 
learned by cable from those distant islands that warfare had been 
commenced there and an attack had been made on the night of Feb- 
ruary 4 upon our troops, Agoncillo was near to the Canadian border. 
Why he suddenly fled from the United States in this surreptitious 
jvay and sought to be under another flag, I can not tell. Perhaps 
others can. 

I have always thought, Mr. President, it was because he knew it 
had been arranged that on that night or on the next morning there 
would be an attack upon our troops in Manila by the insurgents, 
and thought it would be safer for him to be beyond the jurisdic- 
tion of the United States. 

There is absolutely nothing, Mr. President, in my opinion, upon 
which to base the assertion that, in violation of General Otis's 
orders from the President, and in violation of Otis's orders to his 
men, our troops brought on that engagement. But the fighting 
went, on Our troops aggressively followed the insurrectionists. 
That was a legitimate part of self-defense. Nothing would require 
them, hostilities having broken out, to remain in Manila and allow 
the enemy to again surround the city, to again attack them at dis- 


Now, Mr. President, whether the insurrection is ended or not, I 
-do not know. I fear not until after election. From the time that 
treaty was ratified, which has been declared or characterized as a dec- 
laration of war, we have had an agitation in this country. Mr. 
.Bryan, to whom I refer respectfully, came here and labored for 
the ratification of that treaty. If it was a declaration of war he 
'must take his share of the responsibility for it. If it in itself in- 
volved imperialism he was a promoter of imperialism. 

Before the treaty was ratified, January 9, he published in the 
New York Journal an elaborate article upon the subject, urging the 
ratification of the treaty, and a declaration of future policy as to 
the Philippines, strongly I thought, and think, foreshadowing, in the 
•event of failure to make such a declaration, an aggressive issue 
-against imperialism or colonialism, and from that time in all the 
speeches he has made, which I have read, he has made anti-imperial- 
ism the paramount feature of his political creed. Without impeach- 
ing the sincerity of his view against imperialism, as I understand it, or 
colonialism, when the time comes to decide that question, I have 
thought and do think, that it was an attempt to make an issue where 
there is no issue, apparently born out of the necessity to obscure in 
some respects the issues of 1896. 

For I insist, Mr. President, that there is not in this day, nor has 
there been, any legitimate foundation for an issue of imperialism 
and anti-imperialism. 

Mr. TELLER. Mr. President, I am loath to interrupt the Sena- 
tor, but I think I ought to remind him, if he will allow me, that 

Mr. SPOONER. Yes. 

Mr. TELLER. The question of imperialism was raised by Re- 
publicans long before Mr. Bryan said anything about it, and it was 
raised in this Chamber. 

Mr. SPOONER. Ah, but those were the men who thought that 
the ratification of the treaty constituted imperialism and committed 
the country to it. 

Mr. TELLER. Mr. President they contended that the ratification 
of the treaty meant what they are now contending this Administra- 
tion intends to do. Every contention thay make to-day the members 
of the Republican party who are contending against what they call 
imperialism have made in this Chamber and stated that that would 
be the result of the ratification. 

Mr. SPOONER. Ah, but, Mr. President, no man who helped to 
ratify the treaty is justified in denouncing that as imperialism or 
'in asserting that by the ratification of that treaty the country be- 
came committed to the doctrine of imperialism. 

Mr. TELLER. I will not allow the Senator to assert or to in- 
sinuate that I 

Mr. SPOONER. That remark could not refer to the Senator. 

Mr. TELLER. Very well, then. Mr. President, I voted to rat- 
ify the treaty. I never regretted that I voted for it. I want to say 
that it is an unfair position for the Senator to take to charge that 
Mr. Bryan is the author of what io called anti-imperialism in this 

Mr. SPOONER. Mr. Bryan is the most conspicuous and pow- 
erful leader of the Democratic party at this time, and he has done 
more, in the way of public speeches and writing, in attack upon 
what he calls imperialism than any other man in the country, and 
that is manifestly what he seeks and rns sought to make the prin- 
cipal issue in the campaign upon which we are shortly to enter. 


I did not refer to my friend from Colorado. I voted for the 
treatv myself, and I stated before I voted for it that if I thought it 
committed this country to permanent dominion in the Philippines 
I should vote against it. What I mean to say, and I say it without 
fear of successful contradiction, is that there is no issue of imperial- 
ism and anti-imperialism now, Mr. President, except it be made for 
party and political purposes. 

Where is the issue of imperialism and anti-imperialism? Upon 
what foundation of fact does it or can it rest now? Who has pro- 
posed imperialism in the Philippine Archipelago? Who could speak 
under the Constitution upon that subject? The President has had 
but one policy, and that is the policy of an executive. It is the 
policy to carry forward into execution the law. We ratified the 
treaty. We might have rejected it. We take our share of the 
responsibility for laying that foundation. We had passed the mili- 
tary bill. We had placed these soldiers at his command, knowing 
and intending, Mr. President, that he should use them, that he would 
use them to assert and maintain the sovereignty of the United 
States in the Philippine Archipelago. 

Now, Mr. President 

Mr. TILLMAN. Mr. President 

Mr. SPOONER. That is territory of the United States. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Does the Senator from Wis- 
consin yield to the Senator from South Carolina? 

Mr. SPOONER. Who can dispose of it? The President? No. 
The President has made no speech in which, as I recollect it, he 
did not assert that the power of disposition is in Congress. He 
says in his last annual message that the whole power of govern- 
ment there is in Congress. The Constitution provides that Con- 
gress shall have power "to dispose of and make all needful rules 
and regulations respecting the territory of the United States." The 
President can not do it. It is for Congress to do it. It is for 
Congress to say whether we will withdraw our army from the 
Philippines or not, whether we will cede the Philippines or not, how 
we will govern the Philippines if we retain them, or how long we 
shall retain them. It is not for the President to say, nor has he 
arrogated to himself that function. 

That power to "dispose of" the Philippines is a continuing power, 
Mr. President. It is not one that is lost by failure to exercise it 
this year or next year. It does not lapse by nonuser. It is not one 
that can be exercised by declaratory resolutions. It is one whicfy 
requires legislation. Has there been any? Has there been any 
proposition of the kind? Not until the Senator from South Dakota 
introduced his amendment here a day or two ago, that I have known 

Mr. TILLMAN. Mr. President 

Mr. SPOONER. In the years to come, Mr. President, if there 
shall be a time when the Philippine people, having under our tute- 
lage and guidance been uplifted, having by years of participation in 
local government become familiar in a way with that science; when 
education shall have been more largely diffused in the islands; 
when they have come to know, as they will come to know, that 
Kve are their friends, not their enemies ; when, in the opinion of 
the intelligent, patriotic people of the United States, the Philippine 
people are capable of self-government, capable of maintaining a gov- 
ernment which will discharge the duties of a government, which 
will protect life and liberty and property, which, if you please, can 
discharge the obligations between nations, then, Mr. President, if 


they want independence, and there shall be a party in this country, 
which says "yes," and a party in this country which says "no, we- 
will govern them forever as a territory, .or colony," that will be 
an issue of imperialism and antiimperialism. It can not come until 
then, and it can not be settled unless and until it shall have come. 
It is not here now. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Mr. President 

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Chandler in the chair). 
Does the Senator from Wisconsin yield to the Senator from South, 

Mr. SPOONER. I must decline to yield, Mr. President. I 
hope my friend will pardon me, but that issue, I say again, Mr. 
President, is not here now except for party and partisan purposes. 
It is a forced and fictitious issue, Mr. President, and nothing else, 
and it is a baleful issue ; it is a wicked issue. I speak only for 
myself. I represent no man's opinions here but my own, so far as 
I know ; but, Mr. President, the utterances upon that alleged issue 
in this country, the agitation as to what in time to come shall be 
done with the Philippine people, has been in the highest degree harm- 
ful to our soldiery and embarrassing and obstructive in the discharge 
of Executive duty. It is my opinion that it has prolonged the in- 
surrection ; it is my opinion that it has cost millions of money and 
cost many, many lives. And that, too, when there is no such issue 
before the people, and when no party can rightly make it an issue 

It was the duty, as I said the other day, of every man to say 
what he thought should be said upon that subject of ratification re- 
gardless of the effect it might have anywhere. But that is not the 
situation today. That has not been the situation any day since that 
treaty was ratified and since hostilities broke out in the Philippines. 
There are issues enough without this feigned issue. Has it done 
harm? Has it done good, I might rather ask? Almost every ut- 
terance, Mr. President, of a conspicuous man against what is, 
termed "Imperialism" has been translated into the Spanish and cir- 
culated among the insurrectionists; and it would have been none 
different whatever in its effect if a great political party in this coun- 
try had sent a message to them, "Maintain your insurrection until 
after the election, and if we succeed at the polls we will give you in- 

I received from a commander in the Navy the other day, to il- 
lustrate what I mean, this paper. A city of 17,000 people had just 
been captured over there by our Army, and in the offing were two 
vessels of the Navy. Some of the officers with marines went to 
the city. I only mention this to show how closely they follow public 
opinion and utterances in the United States. They found posted 
up in conspicuous places around that city this poster in Spanish. I 
have here the translation of it. It was an effort against what is called 
imperialism, against what is characterized as brutal policy on the part 
of the United States, a willingness to subjugate a people and to hold 
them in slavery. 

[Translation of circular or proclamation.] 

From the provincial chief of this province received to-day, the 9th of De- 
cember, the tenor of which is as follows: 

I have the great pleasure of informing your excellencies that you may in 
your town cause to be publicly known that data according to the foreign 
newspapers very strongly favorable to the independence of our fattherland exists 
in the fact that the party of the North American people which calls itself the 
Democratic party, preserving unimpaired its ancient principles and. traditional 
institutions .by which it. obtained in the past, century the independence of its 
own country, emancipating it from England, sustains and defends to-day with 



ardor the declaration independence of the Philippines and that the Massa- 
chusetts periodical having the widest circulation among the agriculturists of 
the country known under the name of The Farm and Home 

The Farm and Home. Does the Senator from Massachusetts 
know that paper? 
Mr. LODGE. I do. 
Mr. SPOONER (reading)— 

The Farm and Home, having interested its subscribers in the subject, asked 
that they manifest themselves in favor of the independence of the Philippines 
or their annexation . with* the following results: 


For inde- 

For annex- 

8 888 
4 901 


Middle States .^ 


Central West 

1 083 





May Providence decree that in the election for the President of the United 
States the Democratic party, which defends us, shall triumph, and not the 
imperialistic party, which is headed by Mr. McKinley, and which attacks us. 

I presume this was all over the Philippines — 

The great Democrat, Dr. Bryan, one of the most eminent men of the United 
States, is assured that he will be the future President, and then our happy 
hours begin. There have also been celebrated in New York and Chicago 
great meetings and banquets in honor of our dearly beloved president, Sr. 
Aguinaldo, who was entitled one of the world's true heroes. 

The masses who have thus voted in our favor have done the same with 
reference to Cuba, asking her independence, for which she is already to-day 

Finally, the conduct of the Filipino annexationists condemns itself. They 
have changed their flag as they change their shirts, and are animated solely 
by momentary lust of stolen gold: but by their own vile conduct, aided by 
their thieving country, they are only raising their own scaffold, 

God guard your excellencies many years. 

Guinabatan, December 4, 1899. 


I have here a number of extracts translated from La Independ- 
encia, published in the Philippines. I will read but a few of them : 

Mr .Bryan, the competitor of McKinley in the last Presidential election and 
the candidate selected for the future by the Democratic party, has published 
a manifesto which has caused a profound sensation in the United States. 

Mr. Bryan announces himself decidedly opposed to the imperial policy of 
the Government, and shows the danger in which American institutions will 
be placed by this entirely new ambition for colonization. * * * jj e as ^ s 
that the regime instituted in Cuba be applied to all the territory taken from 
Spain. * * * 

To place the American yoke on the millions of natives who wish to be free 
200,000 men will be needed. * * * February 2, 1899. 

A great popular meeting was held in New York on February 23 to protest 
against the imperialistic policy of the United States. March 8, 1899. 

Mr. Bryan * * * declared at a great meeting at Denver that the United 
States could not institute a colonial policy. "Imperialism," he said, "may 
increase our territory, but it will lower our ideals. It is a step backward, 
etc." March 28, 1899. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. May I ask the Senator from what he is read- 

Mr. SPOONER. I am reading an extract from a newspaper pub- 
lished in the Philippines and supported by Aguinaldo called La Inde- 

Mr. ALLEN. Will the Senator permit me to ask if he is reading 
from the original paper? 


Mr. SPOONER. I carl not read from the original paper, as that 
is in Spanish. . 

Mr. ALLEN. The Senator is reading a translation? 

Mr. SPOONER. Yes ; a translation. 

Mr. ALLEN. By whom was the translation the Senator is reading 
made ? 

Mr. SPOONER. By an officer of the Army. 

Mr. ALLEN. Did the Senator get it from the officer who trans- 
lated it? . 

Mr. SPOONER. No, sir; I did not get it from the officer who 
translated it. 

Mr. ALLEN. Has the Senator any knowledge of the genuineness 
of the translation? 

Mr. SPOONER. I only know that it was translated in the War 
Department and given me as a correct translation. The papers are 
all in the War Department. I saw them there. 

Mr. ALLEN. Does the Senator hold Mr. Bryan responsible for 
what that translation states? 

Mr. SPOONER. That is not what I am saying. So far as that is 
concerned, what the paper states is substantially a fact. 

Mr. ALLEN. I do not doubt that the Senator thinks so; but I 
hope the Senator will not snap at me quite so savagely. 

Mr. SPOONER. I did not mean to be offensive, and I hope the 
Senator is not alarmed. 

Mr. ALLEN. Before the Senator scares me entirely away I wish to 
ask him if he has seen a translation of the speech which was made by 
the junior Senator fromlndiana [Mr Beveridge.], which was cabled to 
Manila, translated into Spanish, and circulated among the Filipinos 
as conclusive evidence that this Government never did intend to give 
those people their liberty? 

Mr. SPOONER. I have not. 

Mr. ALLEN. But the Senator recognizes that that was done, 
does he not? 

Mr. SPOONER. I do not know it. 

Mr. TILLMAN. I have seen that statement made. 

Mr. ALLEN. I understood it was done, and I have as good au- 
thority for saying that it was done as the Senator has for what he 

Mr. SPOONER. I think not. 

Mr. ALLEN. Indeed, I have. 

Mr. SPOONER. In the first place, these statements imputed to 
Mr. Bryan and other gentlemen were, in substance, made here in 
public. There is no doubt about that; and they were cabled over 
there. I am not assuming now that it was ever the purpose of any- 
one here to make trouble over there, nor do I believe such a thing, 
of course. lam only saying that this agitation and these utterances 
upon an alleged issue, which does not exist,, have done and will do 
great mischief. That is all. 

Mr. ALLEN. I am trying to find out as to the facts. I am not 
prepared to affirm or disaffirm what the Senator says; but what 
authority has the Senator for placing before the Senate and the world 
these statements which he has presented as authentic? 

Mr. SPOONER. I place them before the Senate as authentic be- 
cause they were given to me, and I think they are correct transla- 
tions. The Senator can find the paper at the War Department and 
translate it for himself. 

Mr. ALLEN. No; I can not. 


Mr. SPOONER. And verify the correctness of the translation. 

Mr. ALLEN. I regret to say that I only know one language, and 
that very imperfectly; and so I would not know anything about it 
if I had the papers ; but the Senator, being an English and a Spanr 
ish scholar as well, I suppose, could probably have compared these 
translations with the original text, and would be able to supply that 
hiatus in the proof. 

Mr. SPOONER. To whom is the Senator referring? 

Mr. ALLEN. I am referring to the senior Senator from Wis- 

Mr. SPOONER. I am not a Spanish scholar. 

Mr. ALLEN. I thought the Senator was. 

I have always given the Senator credit for knowing all about lan- 
guages and about a great many other things, and I always interrupt 
him with a great deal of diffidence, knowing his universal knowl- 
edge compared with the feeble amount of information that I have 
been able to pick up. 

When I take occasion to interrupt the Senator it is as to things 
that come to my mind in the Course of debate, and I want to know 
the connection of these things and the proof. 

Mr. SPOONER. I have stated to the Senator that I can show 
him the paper, and if he thinks this is not a correct translation he 
can bring it to the attention of the country. 

Mr. ALLEN. The burden is upon the Senator to prove that the 
translation is correct. When the Senator introduces a document in 
evidence he must lay the foundation by proving that it is genuine, 
and tracing the proofs step by step up to the document which he 
seeks to introduce; and now the Senator proposes that I shall as- 
sume the burden of disproving the genuineness of the document that 
he seeks to introduce. I decline that invitation. 

Mr. SPOONER. I went to the War Department to get the cor- 
rect translation, and the Senator ought to go there if he thinks i* 
is not a correct translation and verify it. 

Mr. ALLEN. I shall not go to the War Department. I have no 
business at the War Department. 

Mr. SPOONER. This is business. 

Mr. ALLEN. I know it is, out possibly if I went to the War De- 
partment, with this lingering suspicion upon my mind, the opportunity 
of ascertaining the correctness or incorrectness of the translation 
would not be as open to me as to the Senator from Wisconsin. 

Mr. SPOONER. I think, Mr. President, that is an entirely un- 
justifiable imputation upon the War Department. The Senator may 
think that, but I am satisfied he will find he is mistaken. 

Mr. ALLEN. I do not mean to impute anything against the War 
Department, but the Senator knows human nature just as well as I. 

Mr. SPOONER. Mr. President, just to show further the effect 
in the Philippines of this agitation and the discussion of this at- 
tempted issue, which is not an issue, I read this, which was tele- 
graphed from over there. The original was in Spanish, and I can 
not swear to the translation, but I should think it correct from its 

Mr. ALLEN. What does the Senator say about the issue? 

Mr. SPOONER. I say that there is no issue of imperialism and 
antiimperialism between the Republican party and the Democratic 
party, except as made by the Democratic party for campaign purposes. 

Mr. ALLEN. I am not speaking for the Democratic party at all. 

Mr. SPOONER. Well, the Populist party. I forgot that. 


Mr. ALLEN. I am speaking for no party. Now, what is the 
attitude of the Republican party on that question? 

Mr. SPOONER. The attitude of the Republican party is this, so 
far as I know : It is first to enforce and maintain the authority of 
the United States in the Philippine Archipelago. 

Mr. ALLEN. And that being done, what follows? 

Mr. SPOONER. To organize as speedily as possible civil govern- 
ments there, adapted to the necessities of the different tribes and 
people; to give them honest courts of justice; to abolish — and that 
has already been done — the ecclesiastical courts, so that the friar may 
be brought to the ordinary court and tried as are other men for 
an offense which he commits; to protect life and liberty and prop- 
erty; to fill that country with schoolhouses — 

Mr. ALLEN. And churches. 

Mr. SPOONER. To give the people an opportunity for educa- 
tion; to be just and generous to those people, giving them partici- 
pation in the local governments there as large as possible at first, 
and on increasing lines as they may show themselves fitted for it; 
to honestly expend the moneys collected from taxation there in their 
interests and for their benefit ; to maintain laws there, Mr. President, 
so honestly and firmly that no man, however rich, shall t/e beyond 
their reach if he does wrong, and no man, however humble, shall be 
denied their support or protection if he is wronged. 

Mr. ALLEN. I concur with the Senator in that. 

Mr. SPOONER. In short, Mr. President, to carry to that people 
what they have never had before, and what the American flag 
always carries to a people — generosity, justice, liberty, and the 
blessings and advantages of our civilization as far and as fast as 

Mr. ALLEN. I heartily concur with everything the Senator says 
on that point. 

Mr. SPOONER. Is there any imperialism in that? 

Mr. ALLEN. I stand side by side with the Senator up to that 
point. Now, all these things being accomplished, what does the 
Senator propose to do with those islands? 

Mr. SPOONER. All these things being accomplished— it will take 
some time to accomplish them 

Mr. ALLEN. Yes. 

Mr. SPOONER. Doing our level best 

Mr. ALLEN. All the time. 

Mr. SPOONER. It will take a long time to accomplish that. 

Mr. ALLEN. Some years. 

Mr. SPOONER. Some years — and the Senator is in favor of 

Mr. ALLEN. It will take some years to do it. 

Mr. SPOONER. Some years to do it— then, Mr. President, 
where is your issue of imperialism now? 

Mr. ALLEN. What I ask the Senator, then, is — these years hav- 
ing passed by, having passed into eternity, all these things having 
been accomplished— what does the Senator propose to do with those 

Mr. SPOONER. I do not expect to be here. I say it is a wicked 
ithing to attempt to make that issue now, with our Army in the 
field, and with work before us to which the Senator agrees, which 
will, even upon the Senator's own admission, take some years yet. 

Mr. ALLEN. No; the Senator can not run away by saying 

Mr. SPOONER. I run away from nobody. 

Mr. ALLEN. No, I think not; but the Senator can not run 


; away, metaphorically speaking, of course, from the argument by per 
sonalizing himself. 

Mr. SPOONER. If the Senator will permit me, he was out when 
I submitted observations upon that subject. 

Mr. ALLEN. Then I will put the question differently. Is there 
ever a time, or will the time ever come in the history of the Phil- 
ippines, all these things being accomplished, when those people will 
be allowed to erect an independent civil government for themselves ? 

Mr. SPOONER. I will restate, Mr. President, that in all these 
constant agitations and denunciations — and the Senator ought to 
know it, and those for whom be speaks ought to know it — the power 
to govern and dispose of the Philippine Archipelago is not in any 
Administration; it is not in any President, but, under the Consti- 
tution, it is in Congress. As I said before the Senator came in, what 
we are concerned about now is the discharge, in a manful way, of 
present duty. What will in the ultimate be the policy of the Ameri- 
can people in the Philippine Archipelago is for the American people 
to say when that day comes. I do not hesitate to assert my con- 
viction that when the day does come that the Philippine inhabitants 
have so far evidenced their ability to maintain a government — to 
discharge its functions — that they can safely be intrusted with in- 
dependence, and they want it, the American people will give it to 

Mr. ALLEN. Will the Republican party give it to them? 

Mr. SPOONER. I am not talking about the Republican party. 

;Mr. ALLEN. I thought you were. 

-Mr. SPOONER. That is the trouble with all this business, Mr. 
President. It is party, party, party, and nothing else, and that is 
What I complain of. 

Mr. ALLEN. The Senator has been arguing for his party for 
three days upon this subject. 

Mr. SPOONER. I have not been arguing for my party, except 
in this sense : I have been attempting in a frank way to defend the 
Administration of my party against what I consider unjust accusa- 
tions. That is proper. 

Mr. ALLEN. I have put the Senator a fair question. 

Mr. SPOONER. Yes. 

Mr. ALLEN. It will only take one of two words to answer it. 
Does the Republican party propose at any time, if it is in power, all 
these things and all these blessings to which the Senator has re- 
ferred having been accomplished, to give those people an independ- 
ent government? 

Mr. SPOONER. I can not speak for the Republican party. 

Mr. ALLEN. That question is capable of an answer. 

Mr. SPOONER. Does the Democratic party propose to do that? 

Mr. ALLEN. I do not know anything about the Democratic 

Mr. SPOONER. Well, does the Populist party propose to do it? 

Mr. ALLEN. Yes, sir. 

Mr. SPOONER. Then why have they not said so? 

Mr. ALLEN. They have said so in their platform recently at 
Sioux Falls, as the Senator will see by reference to it. 

Mr. SPOONER. When are they going to do it? 

Mr. ALLEN. Just as soon as the matter can be adjusted between 
the two governments. 

Mr. SPOONER. Adjusted between what two governments? 

Mr. ALLEN. Adjusted as between the two peoples. In the first 


place, when the Populist party is in power it will not be too cowardly 
to do this. 

Mr. SPOONER. Between what two governments? 
Mr. ALLEN. The United States and the Philippine Islands? 
Mr. SPOONER. But an island is not a government. 
Mr. ALLEN. I think I know something about the attitude there. 
I will say "the Philippine people," if that will suit the Senator better. 
Mr. SPOONER. Very well. 

Mr. ALLEN. The Populist party would do what the Republi- 
can party will never do, in my judgment. There will never be an 
offer to adjust the differences between this people and that people 
so long as the Republican party is in power until we shoot, down 
every man in those islands. 

Mr. ALLEN. The Populist party would offer to those people the 
blessings of civil liberty immediately It would not go to them with 
shot and shell and sword and bayonet and artillery, but would go 
to them with a mission of peace, and by peaceful means put them 
upon their feet, making for them a government, and sustaining them 
against all the encroachments of Europe; but the Republican party, 
full and drunken and intoxicated with power, with greed, with 
lust of empire, never will do anything of that kind. 

Mr. SPOONER. I do not think the Republican party is very 
much intoxicated. I do not assume to say what the Republican 
party will do in five years from now, and I do not think the Senator 
has any warrant for saying what the Democratic party will do five 
years from now, or what the Populist party will do five years from 
now. We can not proceed upon mere speculation. I am 
content with discharging present duty. 
Mr. ALLEN. So am i. 

Mr. SPOONER. I want to maintain the authority of the United 
States in the Philippines. Does not the Senator? 

Mr. ALLEN. So long as we have any right in the Philippine 
Islands, I want to maintain the authority of the United States there. 
I have said so months and months ago in this Chamber, and I say 
so now ; but I do not want to go to those people with guns, and 
swords, and bayonets, and munitions of war, without first going to 
them with a mission of peace, with a full assurance that if they sur- 
render their arms and cease their contention against the sovereignty 
of the United States, which is there for the time being, they shall 
be made an independent people with an independent constitution, 
just exactly as God has determined, in my judgment, that every free 
people should be. I would do that first. 

Mr. SPOONER. Mr. President, I decline to be further interrupt- 
ed, for I must finish my speech. 

Mr. ALLEN, I beg the Senator's pardon for having interrupted 

Mr. SPOONER. I was saying that the Republican party is in 
favor of discharging present duty. There is a plain pathway before 
us, Mr. President, and that is to maintain authority in the Philippine 
Islands, and to use that as the foundation for the creation 
there of a government It can only be done in that way, and 
already, Mr. President, although that people have been prejudiced 
against us — prejudiced by the friars, prejudiced by the Spanish 
soldiery who are left there, prejudiced in every conceivable way, 
prejudiced by utterances in the United States, suggesting that we 
intend to put them into slavery and under a yoke — we are win- 
ning, as rapidly as we could expect, their confidence and their re- 


spect, and we should proceed with that work. We shall win it, be- 
cause we will deserve it. 

While I can not speak for the Republican party in the future, any 
more than another Senator can speak for the Democratic party or 
the Populist party in the future, I repeat that when the day shall 
come that that people is fitted to maintain an independent govern- 
ment — one which can discharge its international obligations; one 
which can protect life, liberty, and property at home — and the ques- 
tion is, whether they shall have it, if they want it, or whether we 
shall keep them forever in the condition of dependence or terri- 
torial government; I have no doubt that the American people- 
Democrats, and Republicans, and Populists — will say that they shall 
have it, and, with all that, I never expect the American flag to 
come down in the Philippine Islands. 

This is consistent with all I have said. Having the title, we can, 
in anything the people may do as to the Philippines in the future, 
make such reservations to ourselves, or exceptions, as are right and 
needful for safeguarding our interests in the Orient. We can have 
there naval stations for our war ships, a safe resting place for our 
Pacific commerce, and our flag as it floats there will forever be evi- 
dence to the world of our interest in the archipelago, and our interest 
in its people. 

I was saying, Mr. President — and I ought not to have consented 
to these interruptions — that there is no such issue here now, and 
practically, the Senator from Nebraska [Mr. Allen] admits it. 

In October, 1899, Aguinaldo published a signed manifesto in La 
Independencia in which he said — 

"We ask God that he may grant the triumph of the Democratic 
party in the United States, zvhich is the party which defends the 
Philippines, and that Imperialism may cease from its mad idea of 
subduing us with its arms." 

I will read another evidence of the malign influence over there 
of this agitation upon a vain and false issue for political purposes. 
Here is a captured document translated into English: 


In the United States meetings and banquets have been held in honor of 
our honorable President, Don Emilio Aguinaldo, who was proclaimed by Mr. 
Bryan, the future President of the United States, as one of the heroes of the 

The Masonic society, interpreting the unanimous desire of the people, to- 
gether with the Government, organizes a meeting and popular assembly in this 
capital in favor of the national independence, which will take place on Sunday, 
the 29th, in honor of Mr. Bryan and the anti-imperialist party which defends 
our cause in the United States. 

All the Masons and all the Filipino people are called to take part in this 
solemn act. The meeting will be composed of three parts: First. At 8 m 
the morning on the 29th, a gathering in an appropriate place will take place, 
which will begin by singing the national hymn; then appropriate speeches 
will be read. Second. At midday a banquet will take place in the palace in 
honor of Mr. Bryan, who will be represented by American prisoners. Third. 
At 4 in the afternoon a popular manifestation will take place every- 
where — the people will decorate and illuminate their houses, bands of music 
will oass through the streets. 


Tarlac, October 27, 1899. 

To all the provincial, local, and military commanders in this capital, Nuncia 
Capas, Bangbang, Gerona, Panique, and Victoria, the president of the audien- 
cia of Bayambang, and the editor of La Independencia. 

I certify that this translation is correct, to the best of my belief. 

Captain, Fourteenth Infantry, in charge insurgent records. 

Manila, February 23, 1900. 

Here is the Spanish telegram : 



Se verificara el 2 de Noviembre de 1899, en el Teatro de Tarlac. 

En honor de lalndependencia patria y del pueblo americano que simpatiza 

con la nacion Filipina. 


Primera parte. 

(6 manana.) 

Diana— Las bandas de musica recorreran la poblacion. 

(8 manana.) 
Acto inaugural— Marcha Nacional. 
Discurso de apertura por la Presidenta. 
Lectura de telegramas. 
Discursos y poesias. 

Donativos para los heridos en campana. 
Paso doble: La Independencia. 

Segunda parte. 
(4 tarde.) 

Manifestation popular. 


Here is another: 
FILIPINO REPUBLIC, Secretary of Foreign Affairs: 

Wishing to hold a meeting in the morning of Sunday next in the Presiden- 
tial Palace of this republic to correspond with the one held in the United 
States by Mr. Bryan, who toasted our honorable president as one of the 
heroes of the world, and with the object of carrying this out with the utmost 
•pomp and with contributing by the presence of your subordinates to its 
-greater splendor, I would be obliged if you would come to see me for a 
■conference upon this matter. 

May God keep you many years. 

Tarlac, October 26, 1899. 

The Secretary. 

The Secretary of the Interior. 

Here is the telegram from the secretary of war, Tarlac: 

[Telegram. Reg. No. 32.] 
No. 612. Rs. 70. De Dagupan, 1.34 p. m, 

Ba. 29 de 10 de 1899, fls. 11.30 el office de Guerra. 

Secretary of War, Tarlac: 

Provincial Chief Zambales. Received your circular by telegraph yesterday. 
Was received with great animation and patriotic enthusiasm by the people 
gathered in a great reunion in government house. We had early this morning 
a gathering of civil and military officers and private persons to celebrate the 
independence of the country and in honor of Mr. Bryan, and ac 4 p. m. we 
shall have the second part of the meeting. We all join in congratulating out 
honorable president ,the government, and the army. 

I read these, Mr. President, not to impute the purpose to anyone 
in this country to do harm over there to our Army, for I know that 
is not true, but to show that this agitation against the Republican 
party as an imperialistic party, and against the President of the 
United States, now Commander in Chief of the Army, as a man of 
ambition, with a lust for empire, regardless of the liberty of others, 
and the attitude of the Democratic party as favoring the independ- 
ence of the people, is known over there and acted upon over there. 

Mr. Piesident, I beg leave to say that it furnishes much warrant 
for the belief that General Lawton wrote that letter, because it fur- 
nishes evidence that on the issue of imperialism or anti-imperialism, 
vif the Republican party is defeated at the next election, 
it is expected that independence will go at once to the Philippine 
republic, so called, and it conveys to them and furnishes ^o them 
the strongest imaginable motive for continuing their insurrection. 

The first thing to do is what we are doing to-day — to put an end 
to the insurrection, to lay the foundation of peace, for the 
victories and blessings of peace, and to try this question of 
imperialism, if it ever arises in the United States, when 
it arises, and at least to be silent upon it while our Army is in the 


field tc be injured by it. That is the way I feel about it, and I believe 
that is the way the American people will feel about it. I think they 
will not be deceived by this talk of imperialism and anti-imperialism. 
They may listen to your talk during the campaign about the violated 
Declaration of Independence, about the Constitution being trampled 
upon; they may seem to hear you, but they will realize that there is 
no such issue in this campaign, and they will be thinking of the men 
over there who are suffering and in danger partly as a consequence 
of the attempt here to obscure one issue by manufacturing another. 

Mr. President, when I introduced this bill there were two resolu- 
tions pending before the Senate. One was the resolution introduced 
by the Senator from Indiana [Mr. Beveridge] declaring that we 
own the Philippines and will retain them, and establish such govern- 
ment there as we may deem best. I could not vote for that resolu- 
tion. If we own the Philippines, a mere declaration that we own 
them adds nothing to our title. If we do not own them such a dec- 
laration will not make them ours. This Congress can not bind any 
subsequent Congress, and a declaration that we intend to hold the 
Philippines forever binds no subsequent Congress, and is merely an 
empty declaration. 

The other resolution pending is that introduced by the dis- 
guished Senator from Georgia [Mr. Bacon]. It is based upon 
the theory that we acquired title by the cession and have completed it 
by subsequent possession. It contemplates that the authority of the 
United States shall be maintained there until armed resistance to Jt 
shall have ceased in said islands and peace and order shall have been 
restored, and it declares that when a stable government shall, through 
the agency of the United States, have been created by the people of 
the islands, "competent and worthy, in the judgment of the United 
States, to exercise the powers of an independent government, and 
to preserve peaee and maintain order within its jurisdiction, it is the 
purpose and intention of the United States," reserving certain har- 
bors and tracts of land for coaling stations, etc., to transfer to said 
government, upon terms which shall be reasonable and just, all right 
and territory secured in said islands under the treaty with Spain, 
and to thereupon leave the dominion and control of said islands to 
their people. 

While approving much in this resolution, Mr. President, I can 
not vote for it. I refused to vote for the McEnery resolution, 
which passed the Senate, because of the conditions of that day, and 
my belief that it would be unproductive of good and only fruitful 
of mischief. 

I oppose the resolution of the Senator from Georgia among 
other things, because it is not legislation. It is not an exercise of 
any power which the Constitution confers upon Congress. It does 
not dispose of the Philippine Archipelago. It is ineffective. It is 
only declaratory. It projects into the future a promise which we 
have no power to make, to be redeemed or left unredeemed by suc- 
ceeding Congresses. No one can know when the year will come for 
the fulfillment of this pledge. Inevitably, upon the theory of the res- 
olution, its redemption will require years. 

It will doubtless be years before a government can be formed in 
the Philippines by the people "competent and worthy in the judg- 
ment of the United States to exercise the powers of an independent 
government." In the intervening time this moral obligation would 
be outstanding. The ambitious Philippine leaders would impress 
upon the people that the pledge was ripe for redemption; that the 
government was "competent and worthy to be independent," and 


would be sincere in that belief. That they would differ with the 
United States upon that subject is as certain as that the day will 
follow the night. That there would be controversy and dispute 
over it is inevitable. Gentlemen of great name and ability have 
stated that they are now fit for self-government. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Dewey said so. 

Mr. SPOONER. He said they were better fitted for self-gov- 
ernment than the Cubans. That is all I have ever heard imputed to 
him upon the subject. 

Senators have stated here that they possessed a government be- 
fore the outbreak of hostilities entitled to be recognized, with a 
constitution, a congress, and courts, and colleges. Whether, left 
to themselves, these evidences of civilization would have been afford- 
ed by the Filipinos I do not know. To me they are the only evi- 
dences of good government left by Spain in the archipelago. 

That they are unfit for self-government now I think is over- 
whelmingly demonstrated. 

I can not doubt, in view of the entire situation, that they would 
differ with us as to their qualifications for independent govern- 
ment, and that out of the fulfillment of this Congressional promise, 
if it were made, there would arise trouble, agitation, charges of re- 
pudiation and bad faith, and possibly insurrection, with its bur- 
dens and complications. 

Why project into the future such a promise? It is not needful, 
unless Senators are afraid to trust the people. May not the de- 
cision of this question be safely left to the American people? Sena- 
tors need not fear that they will be wanting in love of liberty, in 
regard for the Declaration of Independence, or in loyalty to the Con- 
stitution. It is not needful for the Congress of to-day to protect 
the American people by pledges of this sort against themselves in 
settling the questions of the future. 

As to the bill which I introduced, I claim for it nothing of origi- 
nality. It has been read by the Senator from South Carolina. It 
is legislation. It is fashioned after the Louisiana bill. It is fash- 
ioned after the Hawaiian resolution. It deals with the situation as 
it is. It is very short. It assumes our sovereignty there. It 
recognizes that we acquired the archipelago by the treaty. It assumes 
the fact that we will enforce obedience to our authority over there, 
and then provides, after the war shall have ended, for a govern- 
ment by the President through his appointees, (not to be perma- 
nent, not to make the President a pro-consul) until Congress shall 
otherwise provide. 

I would vote for it whoever occupied the Presidential chair, what- 
ever party he came from, because the Senate knows we. have not 
the information as to the conditions over there to enable us to pass 
a government bill now. There are eighty- four tribes. Some of 
them are hostile to each other. We know very little of them. We 
do not know what form of government io adapted to that people. 
The President has the power now and it will continue until Con- 
gress acts, under the war power, to establish a government and 
maintain it. 

My purpose in this bill was first to show to the people that the 
Congress is behind the Administration in the Philippines to meet 
it, if it might be met — the belief which has been created over there 
that the people of this country are not behind the Administration 
and the Army. Moreover, I thought that Congress ought to pat 
this measure of authority behind the President, when insurrection 
shall have been suppressed, in governinig a people seven thousand 


miles away, ten million of comparative strangers. To leave it all 
to his war power seemed to me unjust. That was all. It was no 
play for politics. It was not to shelve any question or to evade any 
question. It is upon the theory which I have asserted here to-day, 
that there is no issue here of imperialism or antiimperialism. 

Mr. President, in my heart I believe that. Thus far it has been 
largely force, not subjugation, but subduing insurrection, from my 
standpoint We know comparatively little of that people. Gen- 
eral Otis says in a recent interview : 

We are spending $300,000 now in road making and could spend hundreds of 
thousands more most advantageously. The Filipinos are enthusiastic about roads, 
the construction of which gives employment to many of them. It it was pos- 
sible to grant franchises for railroads, it would be a good thing, but all that 
will come in time. Roads and good schools are better. 

It is astonishing how eager these people are for schools. They are clamoring 
for them everywhere. We bought $40,000 worth of books and have exhausted 
the supply of Spanish- English primers. I told some prominent Filipinos that 
they must wait for a new supply, but they said no, and suggested that we 
give English instead of Spanish books, declaring that the children would learn 
very quickly. If 1 were to continue here and had my way, I would build 
schools everywhere. I would build a big two-story schoolhouse on that open 
lot in front of the first reserve hospital if it cost a million dollars. All this 
is hopeful. 

I do not share altogether the view of the v enator from Indiana 
[Mr. Beveridge] as to that people. I believe they have aptitude 
for government. Bishop Potter says the children take to our sol- 
diers as friends. He says they are anxious to learn. I have an 
abiding faith that when they come to know us. to understand us, 
when they feel our sense of justice, when they feel the protection 
which we will throw around them, when we build roads for them, 
when we furnish them with schoolbooks, they will accept the situa- 
tion. A resigned army officer is now teaching: school there, and he 
speaks in the very highest terms of the intelligence and the eager- 
ness for instruction on the part of the Filipino children, and of 
their parents that they shall have it. If some Senators are right as 
to their capacity for self-government our task will be easier. 

We have a difficult problem to solve. I wish it were not upon 
us. But we have had difficult problems before. 

I believe before very many years that people, participating as we 
go along in local government, will have faith in us, and that they will 
be able to maintain at least an autonomous government, although 
for many, many years they will need our protectio 1 and our care and 
guidance. And the men who deliberately charge in high places 
that the flag of the United States is there as an emblem of slavery, 
that it is there for oppression, do great injustice to this nation and 
great injustice to the American people. Why not trust them? 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Is the Constitution there with the flag? 

Mr. SPOONER. Whether the Constitution is there with the 
flag or not, men are there under the flag who will give to that peo- 
ple every element of individual liberty which we have under the 
Constitution. Already under that flag by military order the habeas 
corpus has been put in operation throughout the archipelago. Al- 
ready under that flag the ecclesiastical court, which was a court of 
oppression, has been abolished ; and already that flag has carried to 
that people, as it always does carry to a people, liberty, protection, 
and honest, responsible government. 

I have said nothing of the richness of the islands in mineral and 
other resources. I sincerely trust, for the benefit of the inhabitants, 
that the glowing story told of undeveloped wealth there is an under- 
statement. I hope it for the sake of that people, and also as light- 
ening the burden which duty seems to place upon us. 


Mr. President, I have submitted to interruptions so that my 
speech has been discursive. I have not entirely followed the line 
which I should otherwise have done. Without purpose to be dis- 
courteous or unjust to anyone, I have said frankly what I believe. 
The President has left this matter to Congress. I want to read here 
an extract from his message as expressive not only of the views of 
the Administration, but of the American people, in my judgment, 
for they will stand by an Executive doing his duty and by their 
Army wherever it is on duty, and will discountenance any policy 
which in this country is inaugurated, the effect of which will be to 
prolong insurrection or to endanger the lives of their soldiery. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Does the Senator mean to say they will 
stand behind it whether right or wrong? 

Mr. SPOONER. Right or wrong, I say, they are behind it ; but 
they are right. That is a question for the people to determine, not 
for the Senator. The President says in his message: 

Until Congress shall have made known the formal expression of its will I 
shall use the authority vested in me by the Constitution and the statutes to 
uphold the sovereignty of the United States in those distant islands as in all 
other places where our flag rightfully floats. I shall put at the disposal of the 
Army and Navy all the means which the liberality of Congress and the people 
have provided to cause this unprovoked and wasteful insurrection to cease. 

If any orders of mine were required to insure the merciful conduct of military 
and naval operations, they would not be lacking; but every step of the prog- 
ress of our troops has been marked by a humanity which has surprised even the 
misguided insurgents. The truest kindness to them will be a swift and effec- 
tive defeat of their present leader. The hour of victory will be the hour of 
clemency and reconstruction. 

No effort will be spared to build up the waste places desolated by war 
and by long years of misgovernment. We shall not wait for the end of 
strife to begin the beneficent work. 

Nor has he waited. 

We shall continue, as we have begun, to open the schools and the churches, 
to set the courts in operation, to foster industry and trade and agriculture, 
and in every way in our power to make these people whom Providence has 
brought within our jurisdiction feel that it is their liberty and not our power, 
their welfare and not our gain, we are seeking to enhance. Our flag has never 
waved over any community but in blessing. I believe the Filipinos will soon 
recognize the fact that it has not lost its gift of benediction in its world- 
wide journey to their shores. 

Mr. ALLEN. Does the President anywhere in his message say 
that at any time they shall have a free and independent government? 

Mr. SPOONER. The President is President; he does not 
claim to be a prophet ; he leaves to the future what belongs to the 
future, but what he says there is the language of patriotism. It is 
the language of philanthropy. It interprets the genius of our in- 
stitutions. It is in harmony with the nature of the man and with 
his career. There is in it nothing but good will, nothing but 
kindness. There is in it nothing of exploitation. There is in it 
nothiig of commercialism. There is in it nothing of imperialism. 
We are to go along. We will make mistakes. We will fall down, 
but we will pick ourselves up. We will cross bridges as we come 
to them, and when we come to streams without bridges we will build 
them. We will feel our way. We will go forward in a manful 
fashion, with a holy purpose to do what is just and generous and 

No American has any right to doubt that. We will become ac- 
quainted with the conditions. We will teach those people to know 
us. We will give them every opportunity in the school of govern- 
ment. We will govern them, not for our benefit, but for theirs, 
and in the end the day will come, in my opinion, and I believe it 
will be sooner than I once thought it would be, when that people, 
with confidence in us and friendship for us, with prosperity among 


them, with an appreciation of liberty, with some knowledge of what 
government is, will be able to maintain an autonomous or independ- 
ent government ; and when that day comes I doubt not the American 
people, of all parties, will promptly accord it to them. 

If, Mr. President, in the end it shall come about that through the 
Spanish-American war we shall have liberated Cuba from the tyran- 
ny of Spain, enabled its people to erect an independent government, 
stable and strong; have made happy and prosperous the people of 
Porto Rico, and in the far-away Pacific have brought a nonhomogen- 
eous people together into one people, educated them for self-gov- 
ernment or independence and given it to them, though it shall have 
cost much of patience, of trouble, and of sacrifice, we shall have 
wrought out a consummation more glorious, and afforded a nobler 
evidence of what a liberty-loving people can and will do for liberty, 
than has ever before been seen in the history of the world. [Ap- 
plause in the galleries.] 



Veteran Commander of the Iron Brigade 

In Which He Advises Gold Democrats to 
Vote for McKinley and Roosevelt. 

It will* be from the standpoint of a National Democrat, by edu- 
cation, conviction and affiliation — I may say, and from heredity — 
that I speak to-night, extending in some regard beyond mere party 
duty to the more exalted duty of every loyal citizen in the land, to 
rally in the defence and support of his country in times of danger, 
trouble or need, foreign or domestic, and never by word, act or 
deed '"give aid or comfort to its enemies." 

I have never yet voted for a chief magistrate of this nation 
whose name had not been presented for the suffrages of the peo- 
ple by a Democratic Convention. There is no taint of "trim- 
mer" in my blood or lineage. It has always been my pride to be 
able to rise in place, and using the words of a great leader of the 
party in New York, before the spell of expediency overthrew the 
convictions of his judgment, "I am a Democrat!" But I have a 
pride infinitely greater than that — that I have always held my life 
and service subject to my country's call, irrespective of the politics 
of the head of the Government. 


The heart of this great people has always beat loyal to the Gov- 
ernment when the war trump sounded, and has never tolerated, 
and will never tolerate, encouragement to a public enemy, while 
he is robbing, fighting, slaying the brave men, your sons and bro- 
thers, whom the Government has sent forth to do its mission, 

whether that enemy be an Englishman or Mexican, a Spaniard 
or a Philippino! 

It matters not how specious the plea, how earnest and honest 
the pleader, charm he ever so sweetly, or ever so wisely, the Amer- 
ican ear may listen, but the loyal heart is sealed against its influ- 

The history of the Federal Party stands a monument to the 
truth of my statement. The obloquy that came upon it from the 
Hartford Convention compelled it to moult its feathers, put on a 
new dress and change its name, in an attempt to escape the in- 
dignant memories of the American people. 

Political, as well as personal confidence, is a creature of slow 
growth, and any success acquired by the Whig Party was sporadic 
and short-lived, and when under its dashing, brilliant leader, "the 
mill-boy of the slasher," the great Clay of Kentucky; another 
great leader, "the wagon-boy of Ohio," the genial, eloquent and 
popular "Tom Corwin" by his utterances in the United States 
Senate, against the Mexican War and the war policy of a Demo- 
cratic administration, buried the Whig Party alongside its Federal 
ancestry, where, following family precedent, it re-moulted its 
feathers, and bursting the cerements of its tomb, invited and re- 
ceived popular support as the champion of "Free Soil," and took 
to itself the name of "Republican Party." Thousands and tens 
of thousands of Democrats, without change of belief upon the 
cardinal principles of JefTersonian Democracy, enlisted under its 
banners upon the one single issue, "No more Slave States." 

The Democratic Party was split in twain upon what they 
pleased to term Constitutional questions, and when war followed 
Mr. Lincoln's election, many of them, forgetful of their glorious 
record in the past, failed to grasp the great question of human 
liberty, and hugging their theories of strict construction of the 
Constitution, gave utterance to sentiments that led the South 
to hope for recognition of their so-called rights under the Con- 
stitution, if they prolonged the struggle. They were looked upon 
by the political leaders of the South as friends in the camp of the 
enemy, ready to open its approaches and to lay down their arms 

in the furtherance, not of treason or treasonable instinct, oh, no! 
but merely to aid the erring brother in securing his Constitutional 
rights ! ! 

The end came at last, crowning Mr. Lincoln with glory and 
making his name a household word, and his memory revered in the 
palace of the rich and the hovel of the poor, not only in America, 
but wherever the sun shed its rays upon civilization in the wide 

The fate of the Democratic Party since the- War of the Re- 
bellion is but a rehearsal of the fate of the Federal and Whig 
Parties, and the cause of it the same. It failed as a party organi- 
zation to grasp the situation and give the unwavering strength of 
its great power, without reserve, to aid in putting down the Rebel- 
lion. I hate to say it, but it is true; and for years, the name 
"Democrat" was an opprobrius one, all over this northern country. 
There were many great leaders in the Party whom individually 
the people honored, and when they were ignored, it was not for 
want of confidence in them, but from a distrust of their fellows. 

Looking over the history of the pa_st and comparing it with the 
present instincts of the American people as I know them, it seems 
beyond possibility that any party or any candidate, no matter upon 
what high plane of morals, of sympathy for the oppressed, or of 
Constitutional rights, he affects to plant himself, can succeed in 
reaching the support of the electors of the United States, when in 
the face of bloody war he classifies the treacherous Aguinaldo as 
a patriot, and his guerrilla bands who are shooting down our sol- 
diers, as subjects of our sympathy, if not of our open commenda- 

I may not read the political horoscope correctly, but it is my 
sincere conviction, that were St. Paul to be rehabilitated with 
mortal presence, and lead the Bryan column with a Philippino 
badge upon his breast and 16 to I painted upon his banner, noth- 
ing but signal defeat would await him. 

mr. Cleveland's foresight. 

Mr. Cleveland was the first Democrat to reach the Presidential 
chair after the War. He was a man not remarkable for his per- 


sonal graces, but was possessed of a clear, well-trained, logical 
mind, and as his state papers bear witness, was a statesman, well- 
equipped to assume the responsibilities and discharge the duties 
of the high office to which he had been elected. His judgment 
was not technical, but eminently practical ; his honesty was above 
suspicion, and he had the courage of his convictions. He won his 
way to the high office as a tribute to his personal character, and 
to the faithfulness with which he had discharged the trust reposed 
in him as Mayor of Buffalo and Governor of the Empire State of 
the Union. He never led a crusade for delegates, he never vaunt- 
ed his qualifications upon the stump; but believing it contrary to 
the traditions of his Party, contrary to good taste, and repulsive to 
the better sense of the people, to travel from town to town to ex- 
pose and laud his wares, he remained quietly at home during the 
exciting canvass which followed his nomination, and was chosen 
by the people upon his merits, without personal solicitation of the 
voter for his suffrage. 

In his first inaugural address, touching the great financial 
question upon which the campaign of 1896 was waged and won, 
he said: 

"A due regard for the interests and prosperity of all the people, 
demands that our finances shall be established upon such a sound 
and sensible basis as shall secure the safety and confidence of busi- 
ness interests, and make the wages of labor sure and steady." 

In his first Annual Message he points out the results of the 
compulsory coinage bill of February, 1878, under which up to that 
time, 215,759,431 silver dollars had been coined, and the fact that 
only $50,000,000 had found their way into circulation. In this 
Message he fully exploded the theory that cheap money benefits 
the wage earner, and in addition to his own argument cites the 
great Webster, who declared in the United States Senate in 1834: 

"The very man of all others, who has the deepest interest in a 
sound currency, and who suffers most by mischievous legislation 
in money matters, is the man who earns his daily bread by his 
daily toil." 

The Message, recommended that the provisions of this Act be 

suspended, and it was done, and the war to avenge the so-called crime 
of '73 was renewed by the silverites against Cleveland, and the 
distrust of a Democrat was so easily aroused, that upon his can- 
didacy to succeed himself he was defeated at the polls, and was 
succeeded by General Benjamin Harrison, in whose administration 
a truce was effected on the silver question, by the Act of July 14, 
1890, commanding the purchase monthly, by the Secretary of the 
Treasury, of 4,500,000 ounces of silver bullion, paying in Treasury 
Notes, redeemable in gold or silver coin, etc. 

Mr. Cleveland, in spite of his free silver antagonists, was re- 
elected in 1892, and in his inaugural address, without regard to 
the effect to be produced upon himself, in bugle notes sounded 
the alarm in these words : 

"Manifestly nothing is more vital to our supremacy as a Na- 
tion, and to the beneficient purposes of our Government, than a 
sound and stable currency. Its exposure to degradation should at 
once arouse to activity the most enlightened statesmanship, and 
the danger of the depreciation in the purchasing power of the 
wages paid to toil should furnish the strongest incentive to prompt 
and conservative precaution." 

After a careful consideration of the evils threatened, and of the 
preventives to soften, or avoid the effect of them, which he saw 
were sure to come, on the 8th day of August, 1893, he summoned 
a Special Session to repeal the law, which was the root of the 
evil, by destroying business confidence in our financial system. No 
man can read that Message and not fully endorse the foresight 
and judgment of the President. The law was repealed, by a 
Senate hostile, politically, to him, the correctness of his views be- 
ing so manifest, and the impending danger being so great. But 
it was too late, the financial system was tottering, past bracing up. 
The crash came. It was a legacy bequeathed to him by his prede- 
cessor, but its effects were charged to Cleveland, and soon the 
war dance of Air. Bryan was prepared, and the great crusade, 
which in his book he compares to the work of Peter the Hermit, 
to raise an army to retake Jerusalem and the tomb of our Savior 
from the Saracens. 

The history of the world shows that in every age there has 
been, and by deduction it is safe to assume, there always will be, 
everywhere, not limited to place or class, or to the same supposed 
wrong, people who have a grievance. 


The old prophet Samuel gives the first record of a pristine 
Bryan assemblage, when he writes of the dwellers in the cave of 
Adullam : 

"And every one that was in distress, and every one that was in 
debt, and every one that was discontented, gathered themselves 
unto him ; and he became a captain over them." 

This meeting of "discontents" finds a perfect parallel in the 
basic formation of Bryan's old guard, when the record is fully 
written, by the addition : 

"And the captain lifted up his voice and promised them re- 
lief, with the great balsam of 16 to i, and they all with one accord 
gave way to rejoicing." 

This organization caught the old Democratic Party at Chicago 
in 1896, sleeping outside the garrison, and captured all its camp 
and garrison equipage, and made captive many prisoners, who 
saved themselves from political orphanage by taking an oath of 
allegiance to the conquering chief. The members of the Party 
who were unwilling to forswear Democracy as it had been taught 
them by the fathers, organized themselves as National Democrats 
at Indianapolis, simply to preserve the sacred fires of the faith 
burning upon the Democratic altars, and keep them burning, to 
await the arrival of the bridegroom, when the folly, fanaticism 
and madness that led to the leprous union of Silver Republican, 
Socialist, Anarchist, Populist and quasi-Democrats, should be dis- 
solved, and its tenets discarded and the old faith be restored. That 
body of National Democrats declared their faith and placed 
at the head of their ticket that gallant soldier, sound stateman and 
good citizen, General John M. Palmer. A few weeks since he 
passed away. TKe Nation bowed its head in respect for his mem- 
ory, and great men of his State honored themselves by standing 
at the grave-side where his mortality was laid to rest. The loss 


to the country and to sound Democracy, especially, was great. 
Honored in life — honored in death — he sleeps the sleep that knows 
no waking. 

The result of '96 is as a thrice-told tale. Wisconsin, never 
lacking in its duty where State or National honor is concerned, 
set the Badger stamp of condemnation on Mr. Bryan's 16 to 1, 
endorsed by over 100,000 plurality. Are you ashamed of this 
record, and would you undo it? No, my fellow-Badgers, we 
will stand to our guns in the second battle as we did in the first. 


Mr. Schurz in 1896 pointed out, in his clear-cut language, sup- 
ported by his irresistible array of facts, from history and experi- 
ence, the danger that would necessarily follow the election of a 
person so unfit as Mr. Bryan to the Presidency, by reason of his 
total ignorance of financial economics, and from the dangerous 
character of his advisers, to be the total destruction of national 
and private credit, and the sending of distress broadcast every- 
where throughout the land. 

In his great speech in New York a few days since, he ignores 
Mr. Bryan and his incompetency, and his dangerous following, 
and puts his opposition to Mr. McKinley, not on any newly ac- 
quired confidence in the man he now supports — far from it. He 
has no new-born respect for and trust in him, but he casts his eyes 
to the distant Philippines, and sees through the mist, looming up, 
a ghost pushing for a seat at the banquet table of the Nations, and 
that ghost, which he christens "Imperialism," will be, he fears, the 
only representative, and all that is left of the great American Re- 
public, if Mr. McKinley succeeds. "How are the mighty fallen — 
what shadows we are — and what shadows we pursue." 

Mr. Bourke Cochran follows in the same strain. He gives us 
no repentance for his denunciations of Bryan and his policy made 
in '96, and I am told through the public press, that the terrors 
that inspire these distinguished gentlemen are to be driven home 
more vividly and more forcibly upon the poor, ignorant Badger by 
Mr. Cochran in person, followed by the Senator of South Caro- 
lina, who has been sent for to explain to you Mr. McKinley's vio- 

lation of the Constitution in the Philippines. An exposition of the 
Constitution by a gentleman from South Carolina may be and 
should be respectfully listened to by a Wisconsin audience, but 
there will ever and anon arise in the mind of the listener, "How 
came the Bryan leaders to think that Wisconsin was likely to fall 
in love with the Constitutional construction of a gentleman from 
South Carolina? 

mr bryan's unfitness. 

Sixteen to I, you say? What has that to do in this canvass? 
I will tell you, my friends, as we go along. He who knows Mr. 
Bryan knows that he has never abandoned 16 to I. The carrying 
into effect his financial theories, is the great purpose of his life. 
He is honest, .if not practical, and he has never said, and he never 
will say, he has abandoned it. He would not abandon it at Kan- 
sas City. The abandonment of the theory, and all this talk about 
silver being a dead issue, comes from the craft of the politician, 
who holds in his grasp that great political body in New York, that 
sports the name of the great Delaware Indian Chief and Prophet, 
Tamemund. These descendants and representatives of the 
prophet were largely born abroad, but have taken up their resi- 
dence here to do honor to their dusky ancestry and receive the 
profits that follow fawning. 

I have said that Mr. Bryan was an honest, if not a practical, 
man. What he says he believes he can do, and will never falter 
in his attempt to do it. He is a man of phenomenal oratorical 
power; in private and social life he is loved and respected; in his 
presence and speech his influence over those who hear and asso- 
ciate with him is almost hypnotic ; he writes poetry ; but this stamp 
of mind does not fit one to grapple the complex affairs of state 
and administer the Government of this great people in the internal 
and external clashing of interest and policy that constantly arise. 
He is a dreamy idealist. He talks and acts and believes, if he 
were President, by a wave of his magic wand, as 'twere, he can 
make a desert blossom ; that he can do away with want and mis- 
ery, and make all his subjects prosperous and happy, In other 

words, that he is possessed of the mysterious power that can make 
the world an Utopia, if you give him a chance ! 

Such a man is a delightful companion, an estimable member 
of society, but a wild bull in a china shop would not be more dan- 
gerous to trie safety of the crockery, than such would be to the 
safety of the state, if entrusted with the management of affairs. 

Let us go back a little and bring up illustrations to prove his 
total want of qualification and mental unfitness. He has preached 
over and over again the doctrine that cheap money brings happi- 
ness to the wage earner and prosperity in business, and he believes 
it against our own experience, and the experience of the world. 


Again, he said in a speech at Minneapolis : "The gold stand- 
ard means dearer money, dearer money means cheaper property, 
cheaper property means harder times, hard times means more peo- 
ple out of work, more people out of work means more people des- 
titute, more people destitute means more people desperate, more 
people desperate means more crime." 

There can be no fault found with this diction ; the figure is well 
painted, but the picture is a pure creature of imagination, for it 
has no facts to support it. 

Again he says at Philadelphia : "I do not want any man to 
vote for me and then object to my doing what I expect to do if 
you elect me, and if I can prevent the maintenance of the gold 
standard, you can rely upon my doing it at the first opportunity 
given me." And he will do it, for he is a truthful man, with- 
out guile ! 

He has been playing the role of prophet as well, ever since he 
started out upon his crusade for the Presidency. In his campaign 
of 1896 he declared: 

"If McKinley and the Republican Party are successful and 
put in power for the next four years, wages will be decreased, 
hard times will be upon us, and over the land the price of wheat 
will go down and the price of gold will go up ; mortgages on our 
homes will be foreclosed by the money lenders ; shops and factor- 
ies will close. We will export no goods, and we will import from 

foreign lands all the goods we use ; thus will ruin, want and mis- 
ery be with us." 

And he believes it, for he is an honest, truthful man, and 
makes no statements he does not believe. 

He said at Madison Square, New York: 

"Wage earners know that while the gold standard raises the 
purchasing power of the dollar, they know that employment is 
less permanent and loss of work more probable, and re-employ- 
ment less certain. * * * * It also discourages enterprise 
and paralyzes industry." 

He said in the same speech: "We contend the free and un- 
limited coinage by the United States alone will raise the bullion 
value of silver to its coinage value, and thus make silver bullion 
worth $1.29 per ounce in gold throughout the world. This pro- 
position is in keeping with natural laws, not in defiance of them." 

He has preached and illustrated the effect of the fall in the 
price of silver by the relative price of wheat and cotton, and all 
farm products which he said would follow. The experience of 
every farmer, every business man and every wage earner, has 
taught him that every prophecy, every statement of financial eco- 
nomics, made and believed in by Mr. Bryan, are wholly and 
wretchedly incorrect. Will you trust the finances of this great 
Government, and its people, in the power and control of such an 
ignorant economist, because he has winning ways, is an estimable 
gentleman and hypnotizing orator? You may, perchance, but I 
will not ! 

Credit, as I have said, is of slow growth, and to a commercial 
nation like ours, now sending the products of every industry and 
employment over every sea, and giving earnest that in the near 
future we shall rise to be what for years England has been — the 
greatest commercial nation in the world — and must be carefully 
protected. Credit and a sound currency is the main stay of trade, 
and the prosperity and happiness of our people rest upon it, and 
to the wage earner in a greater degree than to any other class of 
our citizens. Preservation of that credit and currency, and shun- 
ning all the experiments of dreamers and poets on our financial 


system, is the question of gravest importance to this people in- 
volved in the coming election. We can bind up the wounds of the 
suffering Philippino at our leisure ; we can repair any mistake, if 
the results show we have made any; there's plenty of time for 
that; but credit and confidence in a nation and among peoples, 
once lost, is difficult of restoration, and the crash following it 
reaches the poor and the man of moderate means infinitely more 
than it does the man of substantial wealth. 


I am not an advanced optimist, but I have no fears of the ghost 
of a destroyed Republic intruding upon my presence by reason of 
any Philippino episode. Mr. Schurz and Mr. Cochran forget 
what you do not — that in the War of the Rebellion even the good 
old Horace Greeley believed the Republic was rent in twain, and 
petitioned Mr. Lincoln "that the erring States might go in peace" 
to prevent further and useless bloodshed. The Republic was 
ruined, cried the chicken hearts, and the Constitution destroyed! 
But out -of the mists came no ghosts, but the old Republic, with 
new vigor and strength, passing all conjecture in its progress to 
the first plane among nations. A people that can suppress the 
greatest rebellion the world ever saw, and live and prosper, is not 
likely to be overthrown as the result of insurrection in the Philip- 
pines, nor in the purchase of territory and establishing a Govern- 
ment there that will protect the person and property, of all well 
disposed persons in the newly acquired territory. So long as the 
heart of our people in the home Government is true and loyal, 
we need not fear for its safety, as consequent upon the acquire- 
ment of outside territory. 

Mr. Bryan is quoted as saying in a public speech on Jackson 
Day, at Minneapolis : 

"I am a firm believer in the enlargement of the limits of the 
Republic. I don't mean by that, the extension by the addition of 
contiguous territory, nor to limit myself to that. Wherever there 
is a people intelligent enough to form a part of this Republic, it is 
my belief that they should be taken in. Wherever there is a peo~ 


pie capable of having a voice and a representation in this Govern- 
ment, there the limits of the Republic may be extended." 


What do you say to that, my anti-free-silver-brother, who is 
inclined to abandon the silver issue and vote for Mr. Bryan as 
anti-Expansionist ! 

I do not endorse this doctrine. The Dutch Republic held pos- 
sessions in. the East Indies from 1600, and they never weakened, 
but strengthened the Republic, but the inhabitants of the territory 
never enjoyed the rights of citizenship of the Republic, and I 
should feel loth ever to take in as citizens a people remote, speak- 
ing foreign tongues, and having habits and tastes and traditions 
of their own, as widely separated from ours as pole is from pole. 
Territory we have the right to acquire, but its acquirement per se 
does not constitute its inhabitants citizens of the United States. They 
are at sea, who argue that the Constitution extends citizenship to 
them by its own force. It requires, in addition, the act of the leg- 
islative power to confer the right of citizenship. People may have 
a domicile in our territory, but legislation only can make them 
citizens. The inhabitants of the Louisiana Purchase, and of the 
Florida Purchase, were provided for, and the rights of citizen- 
ship secured by Treaty. The people of Texas had their rights 
qualifiedly secured by Treaty and fully conferred by Resolution 
of Congress. Thus all the precedents made by this Republic 
clearly recognize and adopt as the rule of international and con- 
stitutional law, the position I have stated. This does away with 
much of the bugaboo cry about our failure to give the citizen of 
Porto Rico and of the Philippines, his full right as an American 
citizen under the Constitution. 


The danger to the peace and prosperity of the Republic in 
present conditions, comes from men who constitute themselves 
walking delegates, stirring up bad blood between employer and 
employed, pandering to the groundless complaints of the shiftless 
and n'er-to-do-well class, and they are in every community, inflam- 


ing the passion by sympathy with wrongs that have no real exist- 
ence, teaching them the doctrine that to possess wealth makes its 
owner their enemy and oppressor, and that his wealth is ill-gotten 
and stained with the blood and toil and suffering of the poor. This 
state of feeling, when it reaches its climax, means disorder, disre- 
gard of personal rights, disregard of judicial opinion, and with a 
bold and daring leader, means class against class in battle array, 
and bloodshed to follow. I do not charge that all the men who 
preach Populistic doctrines intend to produce such results, but 
they do not take into account the character, education, instincts 
and lack of moral control that their audiences possess, and when 
the evil comes, as it has come, and as it will come, increasing in 
virulence of temper and hostility of demonstration, extending to 
violence and bloodshed, these well-meaning persons shift the re- 
sponsibility from themselves, and cry they never intended such 
means should be used, nor thought such results would follow. 
You know old Elder Swayne, a revivalist, always contended "that 
hell was paved all over with good intentions." And so with these 
men, like the bugler who sounded the charge, in the fable, seeks to 
escape imprisonment "because he did nothing." The answer was, 
"True, you did nothing but to spur others to do what perhaps you 
lacked the personal courage to do." 

My remedy for this growing evil is employment. 

"Satan finds some mischief still for idle hands to do." And 
for the foolish teachers and preachers of Populism and community 
of property, apply the rule of the Celt, I think : "When you see 
a head, hit it." 

The great head of the agitators is a candidate for your suf- 
frage. His name is "William Jennings Bryan !" As you desire 
to suppress this growing ill-feeling between class and class, and to 
maintain harmony between employer and employed, upon a basis 
honorable and just to both, vote to suppress him and his doctrines 
and methods. 

The country is prosperous, money is plenty, and good ; interest 
has dropped to 5 per cent. ; the market of our abundant crops has 
furnished the money to discharge old mortgages and build new 


homes ; labor finds employment in our State, and the laborer fixes 
the wages. Why should you desire a change unless it be for the 
better, and that better state you cannot hope to find in the balloon 
of the idealist, Mr. Bryan. 


Referring again to the mooted question of the extension of the 
Constitution, in its vigor, over newly acquired territory, the opin- 
ion of the .great expounder of the Constitution may have some 
weight and throw some light. He declared from his place in the 
United States Senate, the following construction to be correct : 

"The Constitution is extended over the United States, and over 
nothing else. It cannot be extended over anything except the old 
States and the new States that shall come hereafter, when they do 
come in. There is a want of accuracy of ideas in this respect that 
is quite remarkable, among eminent gentlemen, and especially 
professional and judicial gentlemen. It seems to be taken for 
granted, that the right of trial by jury, the habeas corpus and 
every principle designed to protect personal liberty, are extended 
by force of the Constitution, over every new territory. That pro- 
position cannot be maintained at all. * * * * It is said 
this must be so, else the right of habeas corpus would be lost. Un- 
doubtedly these rights must be conferred by law before they can be 
enjoyed in any territory." 

And later in his public career he said : ' 

"As to the power of Congress, I have nothing to add to what 
I said the other day. Congress has full power over the subject. 
It may establish any such government and any such laws in the 
territories, as in its discretion it may see fit. It is subject, of 
course, to the rules of justice and propriety, but it is under no 
Constitutional restraint." 


But I have been digressing, and must come back to the effect 
of the fusion of 1896, and what it meant, and how it was under- 
stood by the contracting parties. In 1896 Mr. Bryan was placed 
in nomination at Chicago before the Populist Convention, but in 


1900 the Populists, in the pride of their increased strength and 
vantage from position, led off and nominated Mr. Bryan. That 
their understanding of the situation may be made clear, I make 
reference to the opening address of the permanent chairman at 
Sioux Falls, wherein he declared, that in the Chicago Convention 
of 1896 (I quote his words), "The spirit of Populism sat upon 
their throne and in their Convention, and under the name of Demo- 
cracy they commenced a contest for Populist principles, embody- 
ing in their platform nearly every one of the paramount issues 
that has been declared in the People's Party platform for four 
years before." Then glorifying the proud and commanding posi- 
tion obtained over their old foe, the Democratic Party, and allud- 
ing to the babits of the Alexanders and Caesars in trailing behind 
their chariot their most distinguished captives in their triumphal 
march, before a rejoicing multitude, he said (I quote his words) : 

"If the People's Party were to indulge in such a parade, they 
would have the right to lead in procession before the assembled 
people and the -Government, as the chief and greatest captives, the 
Democratic Party and the platform they had adopted." 

My old brethren, you who followed Bryan to be regular, do 
you not shudder when you reflect that your allegiance to Bryan 
made you regular Populists, but made you irregular Democrats 
instead of regular Democrats ? 

The bonds that hold your chief in the Populistic creed are so 
strong that they do not j:ear, after your four years of captivity ; 
they boldly taunt you as their captives taken, as they say, "under 
the name of Democracy." Will you longer wear the badge of 
Populistic servitude and remain "sawers of wood and drawers of 
water" in the camp of an enemy, whose name and doctrine was 
always a stench in the nostrils of every Jeffersonian Democrat? 
What would old Sam Ti-lden or Horatio Seymour say to you, if 
they could be rehabilitated on earth? You may answer nothing, 
but if that should be true, it would be because you would be 
ashamed to meet, but would avoid them. 

It is useless to say that Mr. Bryan was not a party to the deal, 
exposed by the Chairman at Sioux Falls, because with the charge 


ringing in his ears he renewed his affiliation with Populism, and 
accepted its nomination in 1900, without ever a dissenting word, 
to the boast made in the Convention which nominated him, by the 
Chairman, in the opening address. And what is more, he framed 
the platform of the Kansas City Convention, and embodied in it 
the identical doctrines of the Populist Party, of which the Chair- 
man spoke .with such pride as having been in '96 adopted "under 
the name of Democracy." 


Can free silver, 1 6 to I, be a dead issue when Populists and 
Silver Republicans make it a sine qua non of their support? Can 
it be a dead issue when Mr. Bryan made its adoption a sine qua 
non of his acceptance of the nomination? "Tell it not in Gath!" 
Mr. Bryan is an honorable, truthful man. He fights in the open, 
he has always said, and nothing to him is so disreputable as to 
pretend to be what he is not. The history of the campaign of 
1896, and the compilation of his speeches under his own eye, in 
a book called "The First Battle," is full of his tenacity to prin- 
ciple, and his dislike of men who fight under cover. 

In his Chicago speech he said: 

"I may be wrong ; I have never claimed infallibility ; but when 
I examine a question and reach a conclusion, I am willing to 
stand by what I believe, I care not what may happen." 

At Knoxville, Sept. 16, 1896, he said: 

"If there is any who believes the gold standard is a good thing, 
or that it must be maintained, / warn him not to cast his vote for 
me, because I promise him it will not be maintained in this country 
longer than I am able to get rid of it." 

He tells the truth, as an honorable man, he must wipe out the 
gold standard if elected. To use his own words, "caring not what 
may happen." But he has the courage of his convictions, as he 
so often assures us, and will certainly keep his faith with the 
Adullamites, who first made him captain! Duty,' as he sees it, 
first ; consequences may take care of themselves, is and has been 
the motto of his life. 

The majority voice at Kansas City was against a declaration 
favoring 16 to I, but under Mr. Bryan's command the Convention 
waived its judgment, and not only affirmed the Chicago platform 
with the 1 6 to i endorsement in it, but to prevent any misunder- 
standing, they repeat, so as to call the attention to the importance 
of the principle asserted : 

"We reiterate the demand of that platform for an American 
financial system, made by the American people for themselves, 
which shall restore and maintain a bimetallic price level, and as a 
part of such system, the immediate restoration of the free and un- 
limited coinage of silver and gold, at the present legal ratio of 16 
to i, without waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation." 

What could be more sharply or clearer put! The fallacious 
doctrine overthrown by the people in 1896, without any attempt at 
disguise, and to emphasize its importance, the resolution reiterates 
the declaration. But immediately after the adoption a large num- 
ber of delegates commenced shouting: "It is of no account, it 
don't mean anything." This was done, and it is still repeated, to 
cover the shame and disgrace that should justly fall upon them, 
and cover them as with a mantle for their abject cowardice in 
yielding to Bryan's ultimatum. 

Do you believe that Mr. Bryan sent the body of a dead baby 
to Kansas City to have it embalmed ? His pet political bantling ? 
Well, I must confess, if you swallow that you are past hope of 


Mr. Hill, of New York, who does not believe in 16 to 1, went 
to Kansas City, hopeful, prayerful. He found the omission of 
that resolution, or its adoption, depended upon Mr. Bryan's will. 
He stopped not — was not disheartened — but went on to Nebraska 
and preached and prayed with Czar, but of no avail ; the great 
politician was bluffed and his purpose thwarted. He was caught 
in the trap. He ought to have known it. Like the crafty Ulysses 
of old, he knew that many of his sturdy henchmen had fallen vic- 
tims to the wiles of Circe, and were lost in the labyrinthine halls 

of Populism at Kansas City, the key of which was held by the 


''great and good Croker" (sic) in trust for Bryan, as keeper of 
his privy seal; and his trip to Kansas City was to relieve them 
from the bondage ; but while Ulysses was successful, and brought 
Circe to his feet, Mr. Hill was caught in the labyrinth and could 
find no avenue of escape, without donning the uniform of Croker 
and Bryan, or breaking away into political orphanage again, which 
his heart could not endure. He kissed the hand that smote him, 
bowed his head to Croker, and put on the badge of servitude. 
"Vae-victis" a weak spinal column has many sad things charged 
up to its account. 

Sixteen to I lives, with all the life in it that Mr. Bryan can 
give to it. The imperialist dodge, Croker's denouncing trusts as 
the great and standing menace to our Government, are both tubs 
thrown to the whale, or as a horseman might say, they are used 
only to reduce the weight the 16 to I pony shall carry in the race. 

It won't do, Mr. Croker ; it won't do, Mr. Hill ; it wont do, Mr. 
Cochran ! The voters of Wisconsin will not be diverted from the 
issue that affects them at home. You may shed your tears at will 
over the probable ruin of the Republic resulting from the Philip ■ 
pine purchase, and the woes and sufferings of the treacherous 
Malay and Tagal. It's a pretty side play, and that's all. Your 
champion represents 16 to I, and all other questions are mere 
political tassels to divert the unwary and hide the most important 
question — shall we continue a sound and stable currency, or shall 
we rehabilitate the old 16 to I barge, that was wrecked in 1896 
by the result of the ballot box, and plunge again into the bogs that 
are certain to open for the destruction of our business and our 
private and national prosperity, in the pursuit of a will o' the wisp 
lantern, swung aloft by Bryan. - 

The words of Bourke Cochran, in one of his great speeches in 
opposition to Mr. Bryan in 1896, are just as true now as then: 

"The American people will never consent to substitute the Re- 
public of Washington, of Jefferson, of Jackson, for the Republic 
of an Altgeld, a Tillman or a Bryan." 



You will pardon me, I know, in following my inclination and 
going back to "discontents" and "n'er-to-do-well" and "grum- 
bler," which I have earlier mentioned as composing the Bryan 
guard. To thoroughly counteract them and their influence it is 
absolutely necessary that their antecedents be understood, and the 
sources from which their condition comes be explored and exposed. 
I do not know how to do it better than to summarize a little de- 
scrigtion of two men, and their outcome, given by Mr. Gilman in 
his work entitled, "Socialism and the American Spirit." 

Two cousins, Johann and Wilhelm, landed in this country. The 
worthy Johann proceeds to adjust himself to the new atmosphere 
and the new earth. Free to talk to his heart's content, and to 
print all that he can pay for, in denunciation of every existing in- 
stitution, he slowly learns the absurdity of much of his logic. He 
soon votes on a political level with other citizens; his ballot is as 
weighty as that of the richest man of the oldest family in the 
country. He is practically free from military service, and he is 
subject to no obligation of homage or obedience to an upper class. 
His children go to a free school in a western town, where he has 
settled on a farm, and they have an open field as young men and 
women, to show what ability is in them. Equality is the principle 
that prevades the political, and much of the industrial and social 
life in which Johann takes a part. He is a good while in squaring 
his creed with his condition. He likes to read a Socialistic news- 
paper, and unpack his heart of abuse for the tyrants that grind the 
faces of the poor and crush the people down; but when his little 
Karl becomes a prominent brewer, and his Gretchen has married 
the lawyer of the town, the honest, thrifty, temperate Johann's re- 
liance is placed on observation, not on memory, and common sense 
rules the day. Johann forsakes the Socialist Labor Party and 
joins the party of reform, by whatever name it may be called. His 
less industrious cousin, Wilhelm, remains in the city, stimulating 
his imagination with copious draughts of lager beer. He de- 
claims against the despots of the New World, who keep his idle- 
ness dangerously near the starvation line. Johann has become a 


contemptible being, to his mind, because he is a capitalist, through 
his energy, his thrift and industry, and he is so hard-hearted as to 
think his impecunious cousin should have embraced the opportu- 
nity and done likewise. The eloquent Wilhelm has no relish for 
such equality. He continues in New York, plotting a millenium 
in which the idle and shiftless shall inherit the earth. His cousin 
has become "Jon 11 /' and John's children are Charles and Mar- 
garet, which shows the Americanization of r 1 :e second generation 
in thought, in feeling. Wilhelm's children may have fallen away, 
but he continues to be a prominent orator at the meetings, and a 
regular contributor to the journals of the Socialists, and he and 
his sympathetic countrymen refuse to become Americanized as to 
see things as they are, and adjust their futile theories to the suc- 
cessful practice of more sagacious people, into whose inheritance 
they have cordially been invited. They lose strength as the more 
capable succumb to reason and prosperity, but their number is 
steadily renewed by more or less desirable new-comers. Thorough- 
going, scientific Socialism finds its most convinced disciples in 
such a medium as New York or Chicago', and I may add, here in 
Milwaukee. With the exception of the few individuals among 
them susceptible to argument, they are poor material for Ameri- 
can citizens. The policeman is the final argument that must be 
kept in readiness to prevent the practical application of their prin- 
ciples, by violence. 

Here will be seen the dividing line between industry and 
Socialistic theory. Here will be seen the result of industry and 
the result of loud-mouthed abuse of institutions which are illy un- 
derstood, and which the person is illy-fitted to enjoy. It is to 
such as Wilhelm that the great hypnotic orator appeals, and meets 
with a response, and it is to open the eyes of his follower, so that 
he may see that honest industry, not spouting oratory, is the true 
and only path to success in America. 

My German- American friend, which shall we choose to follow 
— John, or Wilhelm and Bryan ? The question is fairly presented 
to you. Let us fail to give to Wilhelm and such as he, encourage- 
ment, by supporting Bryan. Let us give to him, and to the like 


of him, no encouragement to keep on spouting and grumbling by 
crowning the brow of his model with the chaplets of victory won 
at the polls. 


I find a description of the type of men whom I have been at- 
tempting to describe, and their ways and methods resulting from 
the teachings of their leader, Bryan, so eloquently put by Mr. Web- 
ster in the Senate of the United States after the panic of 1837, 
that I cannot resist the inclination of imposing it upon you, if it be 
an imposition: 

"There are persons who constantly clamor against this state 
of things. They call it aristocracy. Tliey excite the poor to make 
war upon the rich, while in truth they know not who are either 
rich or poor. They complain of oppression, speculation and the 
pernicious influence of accumulated wealth. They cry out loudly 
against all banks and corporations, and all the means by which 
small capitalists become united, in order to produce important and 
beneficient results. They carry on a mad hostility against all es- 
tablished institutions; they would choke up the fountains of in- 
dustry and dry all its streams. 

"In a country of unbounded liberty, they clamor against op- 
pression. In a country of perfect equality, they would move heaven 
and earth against privilege and monopoly. In a country where 
property is more equally divided than anywhere else, they rend 
the air with the shouting of Agrarian doctrines. In a country 
where the wages of labor are high beyond all parallel, and where 
lands are cheap and the means of living low, they would teach the 
laborer that he is but an oppressed slave. 

"What can such men want ? What do they mean ? They can 
want nothing but to enjoy the fruits of other men's labor. They 
can mean nothing but disturbance and disorder, the diffusion of 
corrupt principles and the destruction of moral sentiments and 
moral habits of society. A licentiousness of feeling and of action 
is sometimes produced by prosperity itself. Men cannot always 
resist the temptation to which they are exposed, by the very abund- 
ance of the bounties of Providence, and the very happiness of their 


own condition ; as the steed, full of pasture, will sometimes throw 
himself against his enclosures, break away from his confinement, 
and feeling now free from needless restraint, betake himself to the 
moors and barrens, where want ere long brings him to his senses, 
and starvation and death closes his career." 

So we have Bryanism described by the prophet Samuel, in the 
earlier history of the world, by the declaration of Webster in the 
midway of the last century, and by Bryan himself in 1896 and 
1900, and we are now to pass judgment upon them. May God 
grant that that judgment will break his power for public mischief, 
and relegate him to his quiet and peaceful home, where his virtues 
may shine, and the memory of his political follies be wiped out. 

I have said that all of the appendages to the Resolution of the 
Kansas City Convention, declaring 16 to 1 as the true financial pol- 
icy, were political tassels, meaning nothing but to distract and 
confuse the voter, and it is of course my duty to sustain myself, if 
I can, in that declaration : 


The Republican Party have declared against trusts. The 
Bryanites say they are not honest in the declaration. "Let our 
man get in, and he will show you how to destroy trusts." 

I am no friend of trusts, and if in public life where my op- 
position could have force, I would give my best study and judg- 
ment to the devising of means by which trusts, that are painted as 
monsters with a pleasant and attractive mien, could be prevented, 
or the extended operation of their plans be defeated. 

I regard Mr. Bryan as dangerous in the management of trusts, 
if given to him, as I have insisted and attempted to show he would 
be in the management of finance, if submitted to him. 

I listened to him at the Chicago Trust Non-Partisan Conven- 
tion, and heard him attempt to grapple, with Bourke Cochran, on 
the question of what was a trust, and what was a monopoly, and 
what remedies should be provided to guard against both, and I 
was astonished that a candidate for the Presidency, '96, a candi- 
date upon the stump for the same office from 1896 to 1900, had 


not taken into his confidence some clean, level-headed man, and 
studied out a practical system, which he would recommend, to 
apply, to relieve them from what they believed to be the evils they 
are suffering from trusts. He said, "If necessary, I would amend 
the Constitution." Amend the Constitution, Mr. Bryan? How 
long would it take to do it ? Did you forget that there is no one 
thing that the Democracy have been more tenacious in holding, 
than that the power of state must be preserved inviolably, as a 
check and balance against the tendencies of centralization of power 
in the general government? And if you did propose an amend- 
ment of the Constitution, and the requisite number of States should 
approve it (which would never be), would you embody in your 
amendment how the power was to be exercised? Not by whom, 
but how? Would you provide for the machinery? Would you 
provide for the Court ? Would you provide for the trial ? Would 
you provide for the judgment? Would you provide for the exe- 
cution of the judgment? All those things are the machinery by 
which laws against trusts are to be carried into execution. 

Unless you can strike out and strike down, and prevent the 
operation of trusts, all talk about trusts would have as little force 
and weight as Crocker's denunciation of trusts ; and if you will 
look, Mr. Bryan, at your platform, you will see that you have 
declared against any power, or the exercise of it, which could 
carry into effect any judgment for the prevention of the evil. 

The writ of injunction is a remedial writ. It is one of the 
great writs issued from Chancery — not so much to punish an evil, 
as to prevent the happening of a great evil, which the judgment of 
the common law could not reach, except in an action for damages. 
In your studied appeal to labor organizations, and in support of 
strikes, and to strike a blow at the Democratic President, Cleve- 
land, you have declared and committed yourself against what you 
term, "Government by injunction," and without the use of that 
writ, trusts can thrive, and people can suffer, and they cry to Bryan 
from his subjects, for relief, will be as profitless as the rich man's 
appeal to Abraham to relieve him from his thirst. - 

Oh, no, Mr. Bryan, even if you could frame, you could not 


c^rry into execution the necessary laws to protect the people. So 
that it is nonsense for you to denounce trusts — a mere vaporing 
sound, coruscant and beautiful it may be, but, to use a homely but 
expressive phrase, "Your talk would butter no parsnips." 

Mr. Bryan in that debate did declare that he would put down 
trusts, I must confess ; and to demonstrate how clearly he had de- 
fined his method of doing it, the great statesman (sic) told the 
story about seeing a great flock of hogs with something in their 
noses, and he asked of the farmer, "What is that for?" And he 
said, "We wring them so as to prevent their tearing up the grass." 
And I will wring trusts, to prevent their doing any evil. My dear 
man, why didn't you think, when you told what you would do in 
the way of wringing the trusts, that you can't put salt upon a 
bird's tail until you have caught the bird ! 

So I must announce my belief, that on the question of trusts, 
however his heart may be, I cannot support him, on the ground of 
his incompetency to execute the trust that he asks to< be reposed in 
him. I would as soon select a stable-boy with a pitch-fork, to 
perform a delicate operation upon the eye, as to trust Mr. Bryan 
to deal with the complex and important question of trusts. 


Everything is not a trust that is called a trust. There is a 
distinction between trust and monopoly. A trust may be a mon- 
opoly, but a monopoly is not necessarily a trust. A trust proper, 
, is the representation of a combination of different independent in- 
terests under a common head for one purpose only, and that is to 
control management and for distribution of profits. Mere aggre- 
gation of capital is not a trust, though it is claimed it may, and 
does result, in its operation, to an infringement upon public and 
private right. If you wish legislation to check and control it, and 
reduce the evil complained of, you will see at once how delicate the 
touch must be that is to fix the amount of capital which can be 
aggregated ; to ^fix the amount of product that it shall yield, and 
prevent the absorption of all business in its line by the power of 
aggregated wealth over the small capital of an individual. 


The remedy is easily to be found when a trust is organized to 
control the market and increase price, and when it is organized to 
oppress labor and reduce the price of wage. In my opinion it 
should be stripped of all the protection which the Government now 
gives to the raw material and product used and put forth by the 
trusts ; cancel the charter of its organization, and its franchise, un- 
der the power well recognized by the Courts — in the exercise of 
the power given them — to restrain and prevent that which is con- 
trary to public policy. But here, then, we run amuck with the 
Bryan Resolutions, that we cannot have government by injunc- 
tion. It seems from this review of the situation relating to trusts, 
that you will agree with me when I say, it is nothing but a political 


There is a cry, too, against the dangers of militarism. ' The 
men who cry loudest are the men who probably would have taken 
up their residence in Canada, if they could have escaped the Pro- 
vost Marshal during the War of the Rebellion. 

I am opposed tp a large standing army, because I do not be- 
lieve that this nation needs a large standing army. But the term 
"large" as applied to standing army, is relative. What would have 
been a large standing army when this Government consisted of 
thirteen States east of the Alleghanies, would scarcely be suffi- 
cient now, in number, to police New York. So when we read the 
old warnings against standing armies, we must always, if we 
choose to be sensible, consider the surroundings to which they 
were applicable when made, and limit the meaning of the term to 
the conditions that it was intended to apply to. 

We are a people of at least 75,000,000, and rapidly increasing. 
We are a military people. Our militia, which in a measure cor- 
responds with the German land wehr, are not compelled by law 
to enter military service ; when they choose to go into military ser- 
vice, they go of their own free will, whether it be in the Regular 
Army service, or whether it be in the local army organization, or- 
ganized and composed by themselves, entirely independent of the 
Regular Army. 


The Germans, whom it is attempted to frighten away from 
sound money, by reviving recollections of the severe military laws 
of the country from which they came, compelling service for a 
number of years, if they have studied, as I know most of them 
have, the true spirit of our country, and its laws and our people, 
know that no such laws as are in force there could be tolerated in 
this country for a moment. It is one of those stories like the 
stories that are used in the nurseries to frighten boys and girls, 
at the bidding of their nurses, to do what they do not want to do. 

The young German-American, proud of his race and its tradi- 
tions, when relieved from the severity of the military law of the 
land of his, or of his father's birth, rejoices in militarism, and in 
military exercises and drill, and never fails, if the opportunity is 
presented, to join himself to a Military Company, where he can 
gratify his military taste for drill and discipline, and equipment. 

It was only last week that a Company from my own city, 
nearly all of them German, and of German descent, who volun- 
teered in the Spanish War and have kept up their organization 
since, went £o St. Louis to engage in a contest prize, dependent 
upon efficient military drill, character, dress and appearance, and 
they came back successful, and our people were so little inclined 
to discourage militarism, that at n o'clock at night they received 
them, with cheers and applause, congratulating them upon their 
success, as the German-American representative element of our 


But I forget. You are undoubtedly here asking in your mind 
what I would call a proper standing army? It is a subject that I 
have thought over many times, and canvassed in my mind, as 
Chairman of the Committee of Military Affairs in the House of 
Representatives of the United States. I do not believe that 50,- 
000 men could be called, relatively, a large standing army, repre- 
senting a country of 75,000,000 people. I would have it armed, 
equipped, officered and disciplined so that it would be the creme 
de la creme of the armies of the world. I would have its officers 
men who did not hold their place simply to draw their salaries, 


but i Would nave men wnose wnoie neart and soul were giveri to 
the improvement and perfection of military organization and mili- 
tary science, and to the study necessary for its successful opera- 
tion. Dead-heads, even if they were hatched at our great military 
school, would be scarce in such an army as I would choose to 

Such an army is necessary to keep and maintain a nucleus for 
a large army, should the exigencies demand that it should be called 
to the field. It should be kept to use as a national police when 
riots run wild and life is unsafe and property is destroyed, and all 
other means to enforce the law should fail. I do not believe it 
would ever be necessary for such a purpose, and therefore I take 
little account of it in that direction, for the existence of such a 
force produces the moral effect which, of itself, obviates the neces- 
sity of the use of the power. 


comes next. It would seem as if there were a large number of 
political refugees from the Republican Party who are stumbling 
over themselves to get into the Bryan Party on the plea of anti- 
Imperialism, when they cleaned themselves from all taint, and sus- 
picion of taint, of his doctrines in 1896, as thoroughly as if they 
had been run through a course of calomel treatment by a country 
doctor, winding it up with a strong does of thoroughwort tea. 

It is fully in accord with the history of mankind everywhere, 
that things will excite our sympathy and attention, while the same 
thing directly at home is overlooked and neglected. Our mis- 
sionaries struggle to convert the deathen. They take their lives 
in their hands and wage war against the devil in far-off lands, 
while in the same block or country village in which they lived 
when at home, the devil runs rampant over three-quarters of the 
territory. Our charities for the suffering far-off poor are enor- 
mous, but in the back alley behind our houses we can find poverty 
and suffering more than enough to absorb all the surplus that we 
have, if we are inclined to give it ; but we either do not see it, or 
forget it, or else our negligence of it comes from a desire to see 


bur name in a public list as a donor in distant lands to a charity, 
which draws our attention away from them. 

On this Philippine question, I must declare my standing dis- 
tinctly. As an original queston, I was opposed to it. As an orig- 
inal question, I was opposed to the Spanish War, for I feared the 
consequences that would result from it, and which have resulted 
from it. But it is an accepted fact now. The purchase is con- 
summated and endorsed by the American people. 


The right to purchase, or the right to acquire by conquest, can- 
not be denied, for it is in accordance with the doctrine of every 
international writer now living, or who has ever lived. The only 
question was the wisdom of it, and that is the only question in- 
volved now. There is nothing Imperialistic connected with it. 
The name was invented because it was a name that would catch 
the public ear, and people would go brawling about against Im- 
perialism who hadn't the least conception in the world of the mean- 
ing of the word that they were talking about. Strange as it may 
seem, a word with unknown meaning applied to anything in this 
country, and perhaps in many others, particularly if it be a big 
word like ''syndicate" — if that name has something which seems 
to grate upon the public ear, all you have to do to condemn a thing 
at first blush, is to christen it with the obnoxious name and de- 
nounce it ; and the word, in its popular acceptance, is taken to be 
more and more awful, the less people understand its meaning. 

If acquirement of territory is Imperialism, then Brvan is an 
Imperialist, and on that question there can be no choice between 
the candidates. Bryan proposes to withdraw the army and apply 
the doctrine to the treacherous Indian and Malay that we apply to 
educated people of our own race and under our own Government, 
that they shall form governments as a free, independent people, cap- 
able of governing themselves. Wild nonsense! That kind of 
people can only be held in check by the strong arm of the law, 
and that law must be military law ; and to induce the fear of en- 
forcement and punishment under that law, there must be a force 


behind it which shall inspire fear of the application of the power 
to enforce it. 

Mr. McKinley has tendered to them the olive branch of peace. 
He has sought to establish a Government for them. He has sought 
to let them establish a Government for themselves, but they have 
grown worse instead of better. The attempts, peaceably, to main- 
tain order and enforce the law, have been rejected. The right of 
the United States over the purchased territory has been denied. 
The attempt to restore peace and order, and preserve life and 
property, has been met with hostile bolos and Mauser muskets. 


What ought we to do, to maintain our own self-respect and 
preserve the respect of the Nations, who are beginning to look 
upon us as a power in the world ? I answer the question this way : 

Whenever you have an ugly wolf that you are holding by the 
ears to prevent his rending you asunder, I do not believe that the 
proper treatment to bring him into subjection is to rub his head 
with cologne and violet water. But I say, punish him, even to 
the death, if he will not yield. 

Mr. Bryan advocated the Spanish War. The Bryan jingo, 
uniting with all other jingoes, forced Congress to declare War 
against Spain. Mr. McKinley, with his conservative mind, fore- 
seeing the consequences likely to follow war, tried in vain to stem 
the tide, and substitute peaceful diplomacy for bloody war; but 
when war came, he followed his American teaching, that when 
"the war trump is sounded the stream must be crossed, and the 
leader should not linger afar." He struck the blows thick and 
fast, and when peace came, it came with glory to the old flag, 
and the Philippines followed as a consequence. 

Then we have Bryan for the war, and of course he is charge- 
able with the legitimate consequences which ensued. We have. 
McKinley against the war, in an endeavor to secure an adjust- 
ment, through diplomatic sources, and we find him now cursed by 
the same men because of the consequences resulting from their 
own act. 


But 1 do not stop here, in Mr. Bryan's complicity in the evils 
of which he speaks. When the Treaty by which we acquired the 
Philippines hung in the balance in the United States Senate, lack- 
ing votes enough to approve it, Bryan rushed to Washington, as 
the owner and keeper of the so-called Democratic conscience, and 
aided in bringing his followers up to his wishes; and it was by 
their votes that the Treaty was adopted. Don't forget this, my 
anti-Imperialist friend, when you urge the support of Bryan be- 
cause he is to save you from the consequences of a Treaty to which 
he was a party. 

As Mr. Olney says : The isolated condition which the United 
States heretofore maintained has been departed from; the crust 
or shell has been broken, and the United States has come forth in 
her power, to maintain her position among the nations of the 

I agree with him. I agree with him that I should have pre- 
ferred Cuba to be taken instead of the Philippines, but because the 
men who had control of the situation thought it better to take the 
Philippines than Cuba, I am not going to denounce the President 
as violating the Constitution, or as entertaining Imperial notions. 

I think that if some critic should review Mr. Olney's last letter 
in connection with his article in The Atlantic Monthly, he could 
write an interesting critique upon the suggestion that I have here 
intimated, as to the charge made of a desire of Imperialism on the 
part of the President. And I mav say here (it may be an idiosvn- 
cracy of mine) that I believe that all Presidents since the division 
of the parties, have represented syndicates; that political parties 
are quasi-syndicates on either side ; and when we consider this, the 
term "syndicate" is not a word of such ominous import as our 
country newspapers seem to make of it, from the expression used 
by Mr. Olney. But as I am speaking from my heart, I can say 
truly, that if compelled to choose, as we now are, between a gov- 
ernment by any such syndicate as Bryan and Altgeld and Tillman, 
and men of that ilk, in position to execute the wishes of their dis- 
contented and shiftless following, I would flee from it to take 
refuge in a syndicate that represnted industry, brain and business 


character, which had enabled its members to acquire wealth. I 
would certainly prefer the latter to the former, if my allegiance 
was to be controlled by the term "syndicate." 

Mr. Olney truly says, that with the position we now assume, 
and which this nation deserves to assume, we must have power — 
not theoretical power — but active,' visible power, showing our 
ability to enforce our rights and to protect our commerce; and 
as I have said before, that the presence and existence of the power 
will be sufficient to accomplish the purposes of the power, without 
any active use of it except in extreme instances. That power will 
be naval — not upon land — and while I am in favor of only a small 
standing army, I most heartily endorse the doctrine of a very much 
enlarged navy, ready at any and all times, against any and all 
powers who may trench upon the rights of, American citizens 
abroad, or may interfere with our commercial rights under the 
rules of international law, or shall attempt to exclude us from 
trade to which we are entitled, to defend and enforce the rights of 
our citizens, and of our commerce, in any and every sea, teaching 
respect to be paid to the American flag. And if. the clash must 
come, nothing would fill my heart with greater exultation than to 
know that the Battleship Wisconsin will be the first at the head 
of the column to enforce American rights. 


Year after year from my boyhood, I have advocated the open 
door for trade. I have advocated the limit of any imposition of 
tax or duty upon it to only such as should be necessary for the 
revenue purposes of the government. I have not changed my 
views, but on the contrary I see in our largely increasing com- 
merce, that there is daily an objective lesson given to manu- 
facturers and traders, to buyers and sellers, that the doctrine of a 
home market might have been well in the infantile stages of this 
country, and its manufacturing interests, but now that we have 
outgrown our baby clothes, and can dispense with our wrappings 
and bandages, and come forth with the full strength of national 
manhood and battle with the world in every market for supremacy 
in trade ; and when without the aid of any protection or assistance, 


except the genius, the inventive power, the energy and good judg- 
ment of an American trader, the reliance upon a home market will 
be a child of the past. 

I have said that I did not agree with Mr. Bryan in his expan- 
sion ideas. I repeat my disagreement with him, but I do hope 
and look for, if not in my day, for those who may come after me, 
to see as I have said, America not only the mistress of the trade 
of the world, but the mistress of the seas. Nothing would please 
me more to see in life, or gratify me going to death, than to know 
that at some time the Island of Bermuda, and that of Nassau, and 
all those little islands which furnished, as it were, hives for hornets 
to hide in and prey upon the American commerce in the War of 
the Rebellion, shall belong to America, and not to any foreign 

As Cleveland ^aid, "We are sovereign on the Western Conti- 
nent, and will not yield that sovereignty to any foreign nation who 
may infringe upon the doctrines and traditions of our govern- 
ment." And I would extend that sovereignty, as I have said, over 
the neighboring islands which in time of war will always be a 
menace to our shores, a menace to our cities, a menace to our 


I have given you, my fellow-citizens, my views upon the ex- 
isting political situation, and now perhaps I can conclude no better 
than to use the language of my old friend, the former mayor of 
New York, Abram S. Hewitt, a Democrat and chosen friend of 
Tilden, whose political integrity has never been questioned. He 
says: "There is no longer any room for doubt as to the course 
which should be taken by men who believe in true Democracy and 
desire to preserve its principles for the benefit of those who are 
to come after us. We are compelled by every consideration of 
honor, of duty and of interest, to repudiate Bryanism and all that 
it represents," and to vote for McKinley and Roosevelt. And so 
say we all of us. 


The dollar paid to the farmer, the wage-earner and the pensioner must continue forever 
equal in purchasing and debt-paying power to the dollar paid to any government creditor. 

— William McKinley. 


An Honest Dollar the 
Basis of Prosperity 



Published by the 


CONTENTS : page 


Introduction .... 


Experimental Legislation 




Debtors and Creditors 


I. First Bimetallic Experiment . 



Prices and Wages 


II. Adoption of the Gold Standard 



Agricultural Prosperity 


III. Causes of the Demonetization 


Commercial Honor 


of Silver .... 



Fallacies of the Free Coinage 

IV. Demonetization of Silver in 









1. Present Importance of the Subject. — The real issue before the 
people between the Democratic party and its Populist allies on the 
one hand and the Republican party on the other, in the Presidential 
campaign of 1900, is the same that divided them in 1896. While main- 
taining its adherence to the free and unlimited coinage of silver at the 
ratio of 16 to 1, the Democratic party, for the sake of obscuring the 
issue, represents the pretended "Imperialism" of the Republican Ad- 
ministration as the important question to be determined by the people, 
hoping thereby to secure its own advent to power. The only positive 
course of action proposed by the Kansas City Platform is the adoption 
of its theory of coinage; every other doctrine of that political pro- 
gramme' is purely negative and consists in a profession of opposition to 
certain views of public policy attributed to the party in power. 

2. The Scare Crow of ''Imperialism." — A campaign waged in the 
name of Anti-imperialism when no advocate of "Imperialism" exists 
cannot be other than delusive. In his speech of acceptance at Indian- 
apolis Mr. Bryan reaffirms his approval of the Treaty of Paris, by 
which the Philippine islands became territory of the United States. 
Even before the ratification of that treaty the Government found itself 
confronted with an insurrection whose aim was to expel from those 
islands the troops which had accomplished their liberation from the 
oppression of Spain. This insurrection, inspired in part by misrepre- 
sentations of the intentions of this Government, was led by a self- 
constituted dictator, who assumed authority not only over the Tagalog 
tribe, to which he belonged, but over the entire Philippine Archipelago, 
which the United States, with Mr. Bryan's approval, had legally 
acquired by treaty. Article VI of the Constitution declares that "all 
treaties made under the authority of the United States shall be the 
supreme law of the land." The Treaty of Paris provides that "the 
civil rights and political status of the native inhabitants of the terri- 
tories hereby ceded to the United States shall be determined by the 
Congress." Upon the ratification of the treaty, therefore, it became 
the imperative duty of the President, as the chief executive, to enforce 
the rights and powers of Congress, which were secured by "the su- 
preme law of the land," against armed usurpation, to protect the lives 
and property of peaceable inhabitants intrusted to the guardianship of 
this Government, and to sustain the American soldiers who had been 
violently attacked while maintaining the honor and defending the flag 
of their country. The course of the President and of Congress has 
been not only legal, but just and humane at every step in their difficult 
task of suppressing bloodshed and restoring peace and order. The 
only "Imperialism" justly attributable to the present Administration 
is that of the Constitution itself, which requires the President to "take 
care that the laws be faithfully executed." Had he permitted a self- 
appointed dictator to usurp the powers of Congress, to destroy the 
lives and property of innocent inhabitants, or to drive American troops 
out of territory belonging to the United States without opposition, 
his opponents would have had a more potent battle-cry than the false, 
malicious and empty slogan of "Imperialism." 

3. The Vital Question. — But the real purpose of the Democratic 
party is not a reversal of the Republican record in matters connected 
with the Spanish-American war and its results. That party does not 
exist for the well-being of distant islanders nor for the mere preserva- 
tion of principles attributed to statesmen of the past. It manifests 
no distress over the disfranchisement of American citizens who do not 
vote the Democratic ticket and for the last four years it has repudiated 
most of the maxims dear to its greatest representatives. As it exists 
to-day, the Democratic party possesses but a single constructive prin- 
ciple, the one talisman of its present leader, — the theory that the free 

coinage of silver at a ratio long outgrown in the markets of the world 
will cure the chief social ills of man. The reflecting voter .who is 
unwilling to be misled by sophistries will perceive in this proposition 
the Vital Issue and will determine his action accordingly. 

The most important question to every man is the value of his labor 
and of that in which his labor is paid. The political panacea of the 
Bryan Democracy is the reduction of the value of the dollar, which 
according to Mr. Bryan represents under the gold standard 200 cents. 
The subject comes home to the business and bosoms of men as no other 
does and justifies their most careful reflection. The purpose of the 
present pamphlet is to present the facts in so elementary a manner that 
the whole subject may be thoroughly understood in a few hours' 

4. The Nature and Uses of Money. — The exchange of commodities 
is essential to the existence of civilized life. Division of labor gives 
to all the great advantage of profiting by the special skill and facilities 
of each. In a civilized state of society, almost all the products of 
every creator of value are offered for exchange. When they are ex- 
changed directly against each other, as wheat for cloth, the exchange 
is called barter. When the exchange is effected by the medium of 
some common measure of value, as gold or silver, it is called a sale, 
and the amount of the medium agreed upon is called the price. Such 
a common measure of value is called money. 

It is evident that a medium of exchange would not be accepted 
unless it had some definite relation to a standard of value. Price is, 
therefore, partly a question of arithmetic, which determines how many 
times a unit of value is to be taken in order to be an equivalent medium 
of exchange ; but it is primarily a question of value, that is, it has rela- 
tion to some object of desire. Whatever this object of desire may be, 
in order to be a good medium of exchange it must be ( 1 ) Measurable, 
so as to be capable of arithmetical treatment; (2) Divisible, so as to be 
separable into arithmetical parts and again united in multiples of those 
parts; (3) Homogeneous, so as to be always the same thing, without 
variation in quality from time to time; (4) Portable, so that it can be 
removed from place to place, and thus really serve as a medium of 
exchange; (5) Durable, so that it will not easily perish during posses- 
sion; (6) Stable in value, so that it will have the same purchasing 
power when it is paid as when it is promised; and (7) Recognizable, 
so that it can always be known and its value readily ascertained by 

In practice we have two kinds of mediums of exchange, both of 
which are called "money," but which need to be clearly distinguished. 
Real Money is always a commodity of some kind. Representative 
Money is a promise to pay this, either expressed in definite terms on 
the paper or metal which serves as representative money, or implied 
by an authorization of law, or general agreement. Human nature the 

world over has settled upon the precious metals, gold and silver, as 
commodities fitted to constitute real money. If there is a doubt which 
of these two is to be preferred to the other, it must be settled by asking 
the question, Which is most desired f And if any attempt is made to 
determine how much more one is desired than the other, that can 
be ascertained only by discovering the market price of one in terms 
of the other, at the time in question. 

The great bulk, probably ninety per cent, of all the business of the 
country is done without money. It is done on credit, that is, in the 
faith that promises to pay money will be fulfilled, if required. When 
the credit of a -person or corporation is good, the payment of money 
is not required. Checks, drafts, bills of exchange, promissory notes, 
and other forms of credit, are the mediums by which the world does its 
largest business. The clearing-houses equate these, and balances only 
are paid in money. 

5. Definition of Terms. — There are a few technical terms which, al- 
though in popular use, are often misunderstood, and therefore require 
to be exactly defined before monetary questions can be intelligently 

(1) The distinction between "Pure" and "Standard" gold or silver is 
this : "Pure" gold or silver is free from all alloy, and consists of the 
one element alone; "Standard" gold or silver contains an amount of 
alloy consisting, under the present laws of the United States, of ioo 
parts to the thousand of copper in the case of silver, and of copper and 
silver in the case of gold, to give the coin greater hardness and dura- 
bility in use. Coin of standard gold or silver is, therefore, 900 thou- 
sandths fine ; that is, 1 ,000 ounces of standard coin contain 900 ounces 
of pure metal. 

(2) "Free Coinage" means that any one bringing gold or silver 
bullion to the Mint may have it coined into standard coin, without 
charge. The owner of bullion, under a system of free coinage, would 
receive one dollar in coin for every 371.25 grains of pure silver brought 
to the Mint. If the coin is worth more than the bullion by weight, the 
owner of the bullion obtains all the profit. If a silver dollar contains 
47 cents' worth of silver, the depositor of bullion gets a profit of 53 
cents on every dollar thus coined. The government gets nothing, but 
is expected to keep the silver dollar at par with gold dollars of nearly 
twice its intrinsic value. 

(3) When gold or silver bullion is bought by the government and 
coined into money, if there is a difference between the price of the 
bullion and the value of the coin, the government makes this profit, 
which is called "Seignorage." Originally, it was the charge which the 
"seigneur," or lord of the realm, made for coining. Free coinage gives 
this profit to the owner of bullion. 

(4) When two metals are used as standards of value, the arrange- 
ment is called a "Double Standard." This of course involves fixing a 

"Ratio" between them, to indicate how much of one is equivalent to a 
given amount of the other. As the production of both gold and silver 
varies from year to year, the market value of both is subject to some 
variation. That of gold, as being by far the more constant and un- 
changeable, is regarded as the unit in establishing this "ratio" between 
the two metals. By recommendation of Alexander Hamilton, in 1792, 
the legal ratio was fixed at 15 to 1 ; that is, fifteen pounds of silver 
were to be regarded as equivalent to one pound of gold. This was 
very near the true market ratio ; but silver afterward fell in price from 
over-production, so that in 1834 the ratio was changed to 16 to 1. 
The market ratio has been subject to constant variation, and now stands 
at about 34 to 1. 

(5) The terms "Monometallism" and "Bimetallism" are intended 
to represent, respectively, the doctrines held by believers in a single 
standard, and the adherents of a double standard. A "Monometallist" 
is a believer in a single standard, holding that it is impossible to fix a 
ratio by legislation which will not drive out one or the other of the two 
metals. The "Bimetallist" holds that it is possible to fix and maintain 
such a ratio. Most "Bimetallists," however, believe that the theory 
of a double standard is practicable only by international agreement to 
maintain a fixed ratio throughout the civilized world. 

(6) The expression "Legal-Tender" is an important one to under- 
stand, because it gives rise to a very serious error. A "legal-tender" 
is a kind of money, real or representative, in which the payment of 
debts is prescribed or authorized by law. Thus, for example, the gov- 
ernment notes known as "greenbacks," first issued during the Civil 
War, were mere promises to pay, without date. At that time the gold 
dollar was the accepted unit of value, containing 23.22 grains of pure 
gold, or 25.8 grains of standard gold. But as the "greenbacks" were 
made a legal-tender for all debts between citizens of the United States, 
they were considered as the legal money ; and gold, which was difficult 
to obtain, was said to be at a premium. 

(7) At the present time, the "Unit of Value" in our system of coin- 
age is the gold dollar of 25.8 grains of standard gold. As we shall 
presently see, there is a great variety of representative money issued by 
the government of the United States, only part of which is "legal-ten- 
der." As long as the treasury is prepared to redeem in gold, directly or 
indirectly, all of these kinds of money, they are equally good, and the 
people will be satisfied to exchange them on terms of equality. But 
the moment public confidence is lost in the ability or intention of the 
government to keep all its money equal to the standard, that moment 
gold will be at a premium, and a part of the national currency will 
depreciate in the hands of the holders. 

6. Present Forms of Money in the United States. — The following 
table exhibits the different kinds of money now current in the United 
States : — 

I. Real Money : Gold Coin. 
IL Representative Money. 

f (1) Standard Silver Dollars, unlimited lega-ltender.' 
1. Metallic \ (2) Subsidiary Coin, legal-tender up to $10. 

I (3) Minor Coin, legal-tender up to 25 cents. 

2. Non -metallic 

"(1) Gold Certificates, not legal-tender. 

(2) Silver Certificates, not legal-tender. 

(3) Silver Treasury Notes, unlimited legal-tender. 1 

(4) United States Notes, unlimited legal-tender. 1 

(5) Currency Certificates, not legal-tender. 

. (6) National Bank-Notes, not legal-tender. 

The only "real" money now circulating in the United States is gold 
coin ; for this alone is worth its face value apart from the element of 
credit. All the other money is "representative ;" for it does not possess 
value equal to its face apart from the element of credit. 

The standard silver dollar is now worth as bullion less than one- 
half its face ; for 480 grains of silver bullion can be bought for 61 
cents, and the standard silver dollar contains only 371.25 grains, or 
47 cents' worth, of pure silver. We trust the national government for 
the remainder. 

The subsidiary coin contains a proportionally smaller part of pure 
metal, and is, therefore, still more charged with the credit element. 

United States notes are promises to pay in coin ; while the certifi- 
cates of deposit simply call for what they indicate, — gold, silver, or 
currency. Of these, the gold certificates alone specifically call for gold ; 
but even they contain a credit element, — faith in the ability and inten- 
tion of the government to pay them in gold. 

The national bank-notes are the promises of national banks to pay 
in lawful money of the United States, which includes all the legal- 
tender money already described. They have the endorsement of the 
government, and are amply secured by deposits of United States bonds. 

About two-thirds of all the money now in use in the United States 
involves, to some extent, the element of credit. Hitherto, since the 
resumption of specie payments, Jan. 1, 1879, that credit has been above 
suspicion. It is now brought in question and threatened with destruc- 

7. Opposing Platforms of 1896 and 1900. — In order to show the 
peril with which the national credit is now menaced, the platforms of 
the Republican and Democratic parties for 1896 and 1900, so far as 
they relate to this question, are presented below for comparison: — 


1896. 1896. 

Adopted at St. Louis. Adopted at Chicago. 

The Republican Party is unre- We are unalterably opposed to 
servedly for sound money. It the Single Gold standard, which 
caused the enactment of the law pro- has locked fast the property of an in- 
viding for the resumption of specie dustrial people in the paralysis of hard 
payments in 1879 ; since then every times. Gold mono-metallism is a Brit- 
dollar has been as good as gold. ish policy, and its adoption has brought 

We are unalterably opposed to our nation into financial servitude to 

every measure calculated to debase London. It is not only un-American, 

Except by contract to the contrary. 

our currency or impair the credit 
of our country. We are, therefore, 
opposed to the free coinage of Sil- 
ver except by international agree- 
ment with the leading commercial 
nations of the world which we 
pledge ourselves to promote; and 
until such agreement can be ob- 
tained the existing Gold standard 
must be preserved. 

All our silver and paper currency 
must be maintained at parity with gold, 
and we favor all measures designed to 
maintain inviolably the obligations of 
the United States ; and all our money, 
whether coin or paper, at the present 
standard — the standard of the most 
enlightened nations of the earth. 

Adopted at Philadelphia. 
There is no longer any controversy 
as to the value of government obliga- 
tions. Every American dollar is a 
gold dollar oc its assured equiva- 
lent, and American credit stands high- 
er than that of any nation. Capital is 
fully employed and labor everywhere 
is profitably occupied. The volume of 
money in circulation was never so 
great per capita as it is to-day. We 
declare our steadfast opposition to 
the free and unlimited coinage of 

but anti-American ; and can be fas- 
tened on the United States only by the 
stifling of that indomitable spirit and 
love of liberty which proclaimed our 
political independence in 1776, and won 
it in the War of the Revolution. 

We demand the free and unlim- 
ited coinage of both Gold and Sil- 
ver, under the present legal ratio 
of 16 to 1, without waiting for the 
aid or consent of any other nation. 
We demand that the standard silver 
dollar shall be a full legal-tender, 
equally with gold, for all debts, public 
and private ; and we favor such legis- 
lation as will prevent the demonetiza- 
tion of any kind of legal-tender money 
by private contract. 

Adopted at Kansas City. 
We reaffirm the principles of the 
national Democratic platform 
adopted at Chicago in 1896, and 
we reiterate the demand of that plat- 
form for an American financial system 
made by the American people for them- 
selves, which shall restore and main- 
tain a bimetallic price level, and as 
part of such system the immediate 
restoration of the free and unlimited 
coinage of Silver and Gold at the 
present legal ratio of 16 to 1, with- 
out waiting for the aid or consent of 
any other nation. 

It will be seen that the issue joined between the parties is, whether 
or not the United States shall change the present standard and adopt 
the free and unlimited coinage of silver at a ratio of 16 to 1. Without 
partisan prejudice, we wish to determine in a strictly scientific manner, 
in the light of history and experience, whether or not this proposition 
to change our standard and open the mints of the United States to the 
free and unlimited coinage of silver at the proposed ratio is honorable 
and expedient. 


The first bimetallic experiment of the United States, adopted in 
1792, fixed a legal ratio between silver and gold which drove 
gold out of the country, and reduced the currency to the single 
silver standard. 

1. The Adoption of the Silver Dollar. — From 1782 to 1786 the 

American colonies seriously contemplated the necessity of domestic 

coinage. During the War of the Revolution, the unit of common 

account was the "Spanish milled dollar." It was expected that the 

"Continental currency" would be redeemed in this coin, but the day 

of redemption did not dawn. Pounds, shillings, and pence were fixed 

in the traditions of the people ; but the English coins were driven out 
of circulation during the war, and did not return rapidly afterward. 
Numerous foreign coins were current, — French, Spanish, and Portu- 
guese, — but the need of a native coinage was sorely felt. 

In 1782 Robert Morris, Superintendent of Finance, made proposals 
for the establishment of an American mint, and these received the 
approval of the Congress of the Confederation. He believed that two 
metals, gold and silver, could not be used, because their ratio was not 
constant, and recommended silver as the standard. Jefferson proposed 
decimal denominations, and the dollar as the unit. He saw that the 
proportion between the values of gold and silver "is a mercantile prob- 
lem altogether/' and said, "Just principles zvill lead us to disregard 
legal proportions/' proposing to adjust the ratio to the "market price/' 

Nothing was done, however, until the adoption of the Constitution. 
In his Report on the Establishment of a Mint, dated May 5, 1791, 
Alexander Hamilton proposed a double standard, 15 pounds of silver 
being considered equivalent to 1 pound of gold. Hamilton saw that 
gold was "less liable to variations of value than silver," and adopted 
it as the unit by which the ratio was to be determined. "As long as 
gold," he said, "either from its intrinsic superiority as a metal, from 
its rarity, or from the prejudices of mankind, retains so considerable 
a pre-eminence in value over silver as it has hitherto had, a natural 
consequence of this seems to be that its conditions will be more station- 
ary. The revolutions, therefore, which may take place in the com- 
parative value of gold and silver, will be changes in the state of the 
latter rather than in that of the former." He was, nevertheless, dis- 
posed to utilize both metals as far as possible, as at that time silver was, 
from its prevalent use and value, not unsuited to the peculiar needs of 
the country, whose volume of exchanges was not great, and whose im- 
mature development required the retention of all its metallic wealth. 

Three facts connected with this first coinage law of the United 
States are worthy of special note: (1) The legal ratio between gold 
and silver was exactly adjusted to the market ratio ; (2) It was believed 
that this ratio would continue for a long time in the future; and (3) 
The bullion value of both metals was recognized as the standard of 
measurement upon which a just ratio should be based. 

This is a fitting place to note the sophistry contained in the expres- 
sion "the money of the Constitution." The Constitution of the United 
States makes no provision for either a monometallic or a bimetallic 
standard of value, and prescribes no system of coinage. It provides 
that Congress, and not the legislatures of the separate States, shall 
have power "to coin money, regulate the Value thereof, and of foreign 
Coin." The Constitution nowhere defines the material of which money 
shall be made, and nowhere implies a preference with regard to it. The 
only use made of the words "gold" and "silver" in the Constitution is 
in the prohibition to the States to make anything else than coin a legal- 

tender in the payment of debts ; that is, it prohibits them from making 
their own issues of paper money a legal-tender. But there is not one 
word in the Constitution to indicate either the substance or the system 
of coinage which Congress might subsequently adopt. A demand for 
"the money of the Constitution," with the implication that the Consti- 
tution has established or proposed a legal ratio between gold and silver, 
or prescribed their concurrent use as standards of value is, therefore, 
merely a resort of the demagogue, who is either ignorant of the subject, 
or means to impose upon the ignorance of others. 

2. The Operation of Gresham's Law. — The bimetallic system of 
Hamilton started well ; but, after 1793, there was a steady decline in the 
value of silver as related to gold, broken only by a few spasmodic 
rallies, falling in 1813 to a ratio of 16.25 to I - At no time between 
1793 and 1834 was the market ratio so low as the legal ratio of 15 to 1 ; 
that is, during that w r hole period, silver was overvalued and gold was 
undervalued at the United States Mint. 

Sir Thomas Gresham has laid down a principle, which has since 
been known as "Gresham's Law," as follows : "When two kinds of 
money of unequal value are put into circulation together, the cheaper 
money akvays drives out the dearer." The truth of this statement may 
be very simply illustrated. If, in the same village, one storekeeper 
offers 25 cents per pound for butter, and another only 20 cents, the 
farmers of the neighborhood can gain 5 cents per pound by taking their 
butter to the first storekeeper. If this condition of things continues, 
all the butter will tend to go to the store where the higher price is paid. 
Now, the government Mint and the bullion market offered different 
prices for silver. The Mint offered one ounce of gold for every 15 
ounces of silver, while the market offered 16 ounces of silver for one 
ounce of gold. One ounce of gold, therefore, would buy 16 ounces of 
silver in the market, 15 of which could be taken to the Mint and ex- 
changed for another ounce of gold, leaving one ounce of silver as a 
profit on the transaction. The money broker may be trusted to conduct 
this business, whenever there is an appreciable difference between the 
Mint and the market ratios ; that is, as long as the Mint continues to 
be open. 

In 1806 the coinage of silver dollars was suspended by President 
Jefferson, and no more were coined until 1836. The whole number of 
silver dollars coined down to and including 1805 was 1,459,517. From 
that time to 1836, the largest silver coins issued from the Mint were 

But Jefferson's suppression of the silver dollar did not, as intended, 
restrain the outflow of gold. According to Benton, 1 the circulation 
of gold "became completely and totally extinguished in the United 
States" in 1812. 

1 Benton, Thirty Years' View, vol. i, chap. cv. 


The second bimetallic experiment of the United States, adopted in 
1834, fixed a legal ratio between silver and gold which drove 
silver out of use and reduced the currency to the single gold 

1. The Adoption of a New Ratio. — The Coinage Act of 1834 did 
not, like that of 1792, attempt to fix a legal ratio adjusted to that of 
the market. The ratio adopted was that of 16 to 1 (accurately 15.988 
to 1), which undervalued silver, the market ratio being then about 
15.7 to 1. It was urged that the new ratio would anticipate the ex- 
pected continued fall in the price of silver, which experience seemed to 
justify; and also that Spain, Portugal, Mexico, South America, and 
the West Indies had rated silver to gold at 16 to 1. 

2. The Suppression of Silver. — The effect of changing the ratio 
was more sweeping than it was expected to be. Gresham's law was 
brought into operation, not, as in the period 1792-1834, to drive out 
gold, but, by the legal undervaluation of silver, to suppress its circula- 
tion. For $1,570 in silver, one could buy gold bullion which the Mint 
valued at $1,600. One had only to sell his silver for gold, in order to 
pay his debts at a discount of $30 on every $1,600, or nearly two per 
cent. Silver, therefore, ceased to be used as money, and became 
merely merchandise. The subsidiary coins also, since they contained 
the full proportion of silver, passed out of circulation and became 
merchandise, resulting in a "small change" famine. Few persons born 
after 1840 ever saw a silver dollar, except as a curiosity, until the 
coinage of standard silver dollars was resumed in 1878. 

3. The Debasement of Gold Coins. — In order to adjust gold and 
silver coins to the new ratio, leaving the silver dollar unchanged at 
371.25 grains of pure silver, the gold eagle was reduced from 247.5 to 
232 grains of pure gold. 

4. The Changes of 1837. — In 1837 the amount of alloy was made 
uniform for both gold and silver coins, — one-tenth alloy and nine- 
tenths pure metal, — making all standard coin, as at present, 900 thou- 
sandths fine. Previous to this time, gold coins were one-twelfth, and 
silver coins one-ninth, alloy. Leaving the amount of pure silver un- 
changed at 371.25, the weight of the silver dollar was thus made 412.5, 
instead of 416, grains. 

5. The Discoveries of Gold. — The undervaluation of silver was 
rendered permanent for nearly forty years by the enormous discoveries 
of gold in Russia, Australia, and California. From an average annual 
production of about $38,000,000 in 1840- 1850, the gold supply was in- 
creased by an annual production of more than $150,000,000 after 1850. 
The effect of the great gold discoveries was to give the United States a 
single gold standard, silver being out of circulation except as subsidiary 
coin, which last was kept in use only by reducing the amount of pure 
silver in such coin to a ratio of less than 15 to 1. 



The disuse of silver dollars resulted solely from the commercial 
relations of gold and silver at the legal ratio of 16 to 1, and 
not from the so-called "Crime of 1873." 

1. The Act of 1853. — A Coinage Act was passed in 1853, having 
for its purposes ( 1 ) The preservation of subsidiary silver as currency, 
and (2) The recognition of gold as the only standard of value. It 
was a practical abandonment of the double standard as a commercial 
impossibility at the 16 to 1 ratio. The Act met with but little opposi- 
tion, and that was chiefly directed against the change of ratio for sub- 
sidiary silver. 

Nothing was said of the silver dollar in the Act of 1853. That had 
entirely disappeared from circulation, and it was proposed to accept 
the fact. "Gold is the only standard of value by -which all property is 
now measured/' said Mr. Skelton of New Jersey; "it is virtually the 
only currency in the country." 1 

2. The Suspension of Specie Payments. — Such was the condition of 
the standard of value when, on account of the Civil War, specie pay- 
ments were suspended by the United States, Dec. 3-1, 1861. Then 
followed the issues of legal-tender notes and of bonds, to provide 
means for carrying on the war. Gold disappeared from the circulation ; 
but it was still the standard of value, and the notes and bonds of the 
government were based, upon that standard. Specie payments were 
resumed upon a gold basis, Jan. 1, 1879, under a law of 1875. 

3. The "Crime of 1873."— The Act of Feb. 12, 1873, is referred to 
by the advocates of the free coinage of silver as the "Crime of 1873," 
because it is alleged to have demonetized the silver dollar. The facts 
are: (1) That the silver dollar was not driven out of circulation by the 
act of 1873, for it had not been in circulation for more than twenty-five 
years; (2) it did not then for the first time cease to be coined, for the 
coinage of silver dollars had been suspended by Jefferson in 1806 and 
only briefly resumed. 

4. The Crime of Omission. — The reason for referring to the Act of 
1873 as a "crime" is found exclusively in its omissions. Its capital of- 
fense was the omission of the silver dollar from among the coins there- 
after to be coined by the United States. As this had not been in 
circulation, or coined for circulation, for many years, it is not easy to 
justify the accusation of "crime" by its omission. 

But it is the circumstances of the omission that most arouse the 
indignation of the advocates of the standard silver dollar. That the 
step should ever have been taken with no opposition is the unpardon- 
able wrong. The charge is, that the bill was "rushed" through the 
House, partly by secrecy, and partly by opposition to the wishes of 
the members. 

I Congressional Globe, vol. xxvi., p. 629. 

5. The Charge Refuted. — Although this charge of haste, secrecy, 
and arbitrariness was fully refuted by Professor Laughing in 1885, and 
again by Mr. Horace White 2 in 1895, it continues to be repeated and 
spread abroad, as if it were true and a just cause for public indigna- 
tion. It is, therefore, necessary to repeat the refutation here. 

The bill was printed thirteen times by the Treasury Department and 
by Congress, and the proceedings occupy one hundred and forty-four 
columns of the Congressional Globe. It was considered during five 
sessions of the Senate and House, and was in progress for more than 
two years. It was referred to in the Treasurer's reports for 1870, 
1 87 1, and 1872, and passed through the hands of thirty experts for 
criticism and suggestion. It was sent to the House and Senate in 
various forms, and laid on the desks of all the members. It was de- 
bated by at least four members in the House, who called attention to 
the fact that the gold dollar was the only standard recognized in the 

There was no opposition in either Senate or House to the omission 
of the silver dollar from the list of coins. It was explained by Mr. 
Hooper, of Massachusetts, who had charge of the bill, that "the com- 
mittee, after careful consideration, concluded that twenty-five and 
eight-tenths grains of standard gold, constituting the gold dollar, 
should be declared the money unit, or metallic representative of the 
dollar of account. 3 He also called attention to the discontinuance of 
the silver dollar of 412.5 grains. 

The Law of 1873 never having been repealed, although the further 
coinage of silver dollars, as we shall see, was subsequently authorized, 
is still the law of the United States with regard to the standard of 
value. The coinage of silver in the three years 1873-1875, in spite 
of the "Crime of 1873," was $ I 7> OI 9>664, an excess over the three 
years before 1873 of nearly $10,000,000. 

6. The Trade Dollar. — To avoid all possible confusion, it is import- 
ant to note that the so-called "trade dollar," authorized in 1873, was 
not intended as a legal-tender coin. "The trade dollar was in reality 
an ingot, shaped like a dollar piece, but with different devices than 
those on the dollar of 412.5 grains; it weighed 420 grains standard 
weight (that is, 900 fine), and, consequently, contained 378 grains of 
pure silver. The cost of manufacturing the coin at the various mints 
was charged upon the owner of the bullion presented for coinage, so 
that the expense of melting, refining, and assaying the silver, and the 
expense of making the dollar, was borne entirely by the owners of 
bullion, and not by the United States." 4 It was not intended for 
circulation in the United . States, but for trade with China and other 
silver nations, from which fact it derived its name. 

1 Historv rf Bimetallism, pn. g'-roi. 2 Money and Banking, pp. 213-223. 

3 Congressional Globe, part in., Second Session, 42c! Congress, pp. 2305, 2306. 

4 Laughlin, History 0/ Bimetallism, p. 104. 



The demonetization of silver by the leading* commercial nations of 
the world, between 1870 and 1880, was the effect of the de- 
preciation of silver, which was occasioned by its inferiority 
to gold as money, and its overproduction. 

1. The Change from Silver to Gold in France. — Between 1852 and 

1864 France imported about $680,000,000 of gold, and exported $345,- 
000,000 of silver. This was the first decided movement, outside of 
England, toward the gold standard ; but it indicated an unmistakable 
tendency. In 1867 the International Monetary Conference at Paris 
recorded its preference for the single gold standard ; and, from that 
time forward, this was the monetary ideal of every European nation. 
But France was not able to pass out of the double standard stage, on 
account of her enormous stock of silver. Before the transition to a 
single gold standard could be effected, the Franco-Prussian War broke 
out, which ended in the humiliation and defeat of France. 

2. The Action of Germany. — The initiative for which France was 
preparing was reserved for Germany, her conqueror, to take. The 
opportunity came when $54,000,000 was paid to Germany in French 
gold coin, as a part of the war indemnity. For this advantage she 
had long been waiting, having been upon the silver basis since 1857, 
through a monetary treaty with Austria, and the expediency of the 
change having been discussed and accepted since 1868. The silver 
coinage of the German states was far from uniform. The coins were 
cumbrous and inconvenient, and the needs of the new Empire de- 
manded a gold standard. The measures preparatory to the change 
were passed Dec. 4, 1871 ; but the gold standard was not definitely 
adopted until July 9, 1873. 

The value of silver began to fall as early as November, 1872. By 
July, 1876, it had depreciated more than 22 per cent. This deprecia- 
tion was, without doubt, partly owing to the increase in the production 
of gold, which displaced silver. Between 1850 and 1875 about $3,000,- 
000,000 of gold had been added to the world's stock. Germany there- 
fore made her transition from silver to gold with perfect ease. 

3. The Latin Union. — As we have d already seen, France was mak- 
ing preparations for the adoption of the gold standard when the 
Franco-Prussian War broke out. "The public applauded the intro- 
duction of gold in the place of silver, for the same reasons that had 
earlier attracted the English people, namely, gold pieces are more 
easily handled, a certain amount can be carried more conveniently, 
and counting takes less time." 1 The Latin Union had been created in 

1865 by France, Belgium, Switzerland, and Italy, afterward adding 
Greece. Dec. 23, 1865, a treaty between the four countries first named 
was signed, adopting a uniform token coinage of silver. In 1873 the 

1 M. Chevalier in Journal des Economistes, June, 1876, p. 444 

Mints of the Union were crowded with silver bullion. On Jan. 30, 
1874, a meeting of delegates was called, and limited the number of 
five-franc silver pieces that should be coined during that year. This 
was a suspension of free coinage, and it has never been resumed. 
In 1877 the Latin Union entirely suspended the coinage of five-franc 
pieces for that year, except in Italy ; and in a treaty of Nov. 5, 1878, 
in order to prevent gold from disappearing and being replaced by 
silver, complete suspension was adopted. 

4. The Action of Other Countries. — A table, prepared by the 
Treasury Department, giving the population and total commerce of 
each of the gold and silver standard countries of the w r orld, respectively, 
and their commerce with the United States, and especially their im- 
ports from the United States, shows that only 5 per cent of the 
world's commerce is carried on by silver-standard countries, and that 
the silver-standard countries take but 4.8 per cent of the exports of 
the United States . 

An examination of the list will show that all the most highly civil- 
ized nations whose people have extensive commercial interests are 
upon the gold standard, while most of the others are semi-civilized 
or barbaric. The full significance of this fact is well stated by Pro- 
fessor Laughlin when he says, "In considering this movement in mone- 
tary progress, the substitution of gold for silver, and comparing it 
with similar events in industrial progress in almost every branch of 
activity, no illustration seems to me more exactly to describe the 
change caused by the introduction of gold than that of steam. In 
former days the world carried on its exchanges by the slow, uncertain, 
and clumsy methods of coaches, wagons, and sails ; now all is done 
at less expense, more rapidly and conveniently, by railways and steam- 
ships. Both coaches and railways existed to transfer passengers and 
freight; so both gold and silver w r ere used to interchange goods. 
Formerly coaches were our chief dependence ; so was it with silver. 
In later years the railway has supplanted the coach, because it does 
the same service much better, leaving tfre coach to do minor work in 
other directions ; in the same way gold is supplanting silver, because 
it serves the needs of commerce better, and silver is relegated to use 
as subsidiary coin for retail transactions. Consequently, when there 
is offered to a commercial country the choice between using gold and 
using silver, we should as soon expect it to prefer silver as we should 
expect merchants to-day to send their goods to New York or to Chi- 
cago by wagons instead of by railways." 1 


The movement for the free and unlimited coinage of silver in the 
United States is the lineal descendant of greenback inflation, 
and the experimental legislation of 1878 and 1890 was a com- 
promise in palliation of this extreme. 

1. The Greenback Delusion. — At the close of the Civil War, the 

1 History of Bimetalism, p. 168. 

United States found itself burdened with an enormous debt ($2,844.- 
649,626), and with a paper currency worth about seventy-five cents 
on the dollar. A speculative period followed, in which real estate and 
other property were greatly overvalued, and vast sums were borrowed 
for speculative purposes. The Western States were in particular the 
field for ambitious enterprises, undertaken in a spirit of adventurous 
excitement. The collapse of credit and prices in 1873, not occasioned 
by the demonetization of silver, — which, as we have seen, was more 
largely coined than ever before, — but by the overstrain of the credit 
system, involved the great distress of debtors, particularly in the West. 
When the crisis came, the debtors, having consumed what they had 
borrowed, and finding themselves without means of payment, began 
to feel that it was cruel in the creditor to require his own, and that 
he should be paid off in the cheapest money possible. They were, 
therefore, opposed to the resumption of specie payments, which was 
authorized by the Resumption Act of 1875. "Weighed down by 
debt, and led by skillful politicians, or impelled by selfish interest, the 
greenback faction demanded that the government should come to the 
aid of debtors, and, by plentiful issues of United States notes, create 
an inflation which should enable them to get off the shoals of debt 
on the tide of rising prices." How the greenbacks were ever to get 
into the hands of the people, unless the government distributed them 
by mail to the unfortunate debtors that demanded them, still remains 
a mystery. The government might print its notes by the billion, with 
no other result than to destroy its own credit, unless they were paid 
out of the treasury. They were to be used in paying off the United 
States bonds, which were drawn in coin. The greenback advocates 
were not, however, solicitous about this point of honor. If green- 
backs were good enough for the people, they were good enough for the 
bondholders. But, as the debtors that wanted money were not bond- 
holders, this redemption of bonds in greenbacks would not put money 
directly into their hands. It would, however, accomplish two things : 
(1) It would inflate the currency, and (2) It would effect a partial 
repudiation of the war debt. Upon the tide of cheaper money they 
dreamily hoped to float into prosperity! 

2. The Rise of the Free Coinage Movement. — The greenback de- 
lusion was effectually dissipated in its original form by President 
Grant's veto of the bill, and by defeat in the elections of 1876. "The 
demand for the coinage of silver dollars began where the cry for 
unlimited paper money left off/' The debtors and the demagogues 
continued their mission, but with a new and unexpected alliance. They 
had objected to the purchase and coinage of silver in the Greenback 
Platform of 1876; but when it was perceived that a silver dollar was 
worth only ninety cents as bullion, the inflationists saw their oppor- 
tunity. The greenback idea was gradually abandoned, and its fo^ner 


advocates have since been rallied under the banner of the free and 
unlimited coinage of silver. 

The friends of inflation and repudiation saw in silver a new means 
of accomplishing their end. Now, for the first time, it was discovered 
that a "crime" had been committed in 1873, when the standard silver 
dollar was dropped from the list of coins. Being at that time ( 1876) 
a ninety-cent dollar, it represented to them at least ten per cent of in- 
flation and repudiation. They could now make both appear vastly 
more respectable. Government notes should be issued, based on a 
deposit of coin; the United States bonds should be paid in coin: but 
it should be silver, and not gold. 

3. The Bland-Allison Bill.— On the 25th of July, 1876, a bill was 
introduced in the House by Mr. Richard P. Bland of Missouri. Dec. 
13, 1876, a substitute was adopted, authorizing the free coinage of 
standard silver dollars of 412.5 grains, as provided in the Act of 1837. 

The Senate, however, gave the bill no attention ; and it was again 
introduced in the House, and passed without debate, Nov. 5, 1877. 
The bill reached the Senate Dec. 6, 1877. It was reported by Mr. 
Allison of Iowa for the Committee on Finance, with important amend- 
ments. The free coinage provision was removed ; and the Secretary 
of the Treasury was authorized to purchase from time to time, at the 
market price, not less than two million nor more than four million 
dollars' worth of silver bullion per month, and cause the same to be 
coined monthly, as -fast as purchased, into dollars of 412.5 grains 
each. Provision was made also for payment into the treasury of 
seignorage arising from this process, and a limit was fixed which the 
amount of money invested in silver should not exceed. Silver certifi- 
cates were authorized, corresponding with the denominations of United 
States notes, receivable for all public dues, but not a legal-tender. 
Thus amended, and with a provision for an international monetary con- 
ference for agreement with other countries regarding a common ratio 
between gold and silver, the bill passed the Senate Feb. 15, 1878. 

Although unsatisfactory to the silver party in the House, because 
it was stripped of its free coinage elements, it was accepted, and went 
to the President to sign ; but was returned with his veto Feb. 28, 1878. 
In his message of the preceding December, President Hayes had said : 
"If the United States had the undoubted right to pay its bonds in 
silver coin, the little benefit from that process would be greatly over- 
balanced by the injurious effect of such payment, if made or proposed 
against the honest convictions of the public creditors." 

It was feared by the President and the Secretary of the Treasury 
that the assurances which had been given when the bonds were sold 
would be set aside if the Bland Act became a law. Mr. Bland had 
said in the House: "I give notice here and now that this war will 
never cease, so long as I have a voice in this Congress, until the rights 
of the people are fully restored and the silver dollar shall take its place 


alongside the gold dollar. Meanwhile, let us take what w r e have, 
and supplement it immediately on appropriation bills; and if we can- 
not do that, / am in favor of issuing paper money enough to stuff down 
the bondholders until they are sick." 1 

It was fear of this sentiment of repudiation that led President 
Hayes to veto the bill. In the veto message he said : ''The silver 
dollar authorized is worth eight or ten cents less than it purports to 
be worth, and is made a legal-tender for debts contracted when the 
law did not recognize such coin as lawful money. It is my firm con- 
viction that if the country is to be benefited by a silver coinage, it 
can only be done by the issue of silver dollars of full value, which will 
defraud no man. A currency worth less than it purports to be worth 
will in the end defraud not only creditors, but all who are engaged in 
legitimate business, and none more surely than those who are depend- 
ent on their daily labor for their daily bread." 

The bill was passed over the veto by both branches of Congress on 
the day it was returned by the President, and thus became a law. 

4. The Reasons for Compromise. — The fact that the Bland-Allison 
Act was passed by both branches of Congress over the President's veto 
shows that the bill was a political necessity. The only other alternative 
was an out-and-out free coinage bill. It must be remembered also that 
it was a great gain over the issue of greenbacks, and satisfied some 
at least of the requirements for "hard money." There was a general 
and irresistible clamor for "more money ;" and this was not without 
reason, for the per capita of currency in circulation was only $15.32 
in 1878, as against $20.57 m l ^S- It was not evident to all that 
silver might not rally and come back to its recently lost value. It 
was only a few years since it had been out of circulation, simply on 
account of its high value. The Monetary Commission of 1875 had 
made a report favorable to the coinage of silver, and there were hopes 
of an international agreement that would restore the use of silver as 
money in Europe. It may be easy to dismiss these considerations now, 
but it was not so easy then. It is not a just ground of reproach to have 
believed in 1878 that the free coinage of silver might prove a public 
benefit, as many able men honestly did believe who do not believe it 
now. But this does not exculpate the men who advocated the free 
coinage of silver because it would be an instrument of inflation and 
repudiation. It is fortunate that wisdom sufficiently prevailed to 
avoid such a result. The only practicable course was that of compro- 
mise, and that course was pursued. 

5. The Sherman Act. — In 1890 a free coinage bill was passed by the 
Senate on the 17th of June. The House refused to concur ; but a Con- 
ference Committee reported a bill now known as the Sherman Act, 
which became law July 14. This measure provided that the Secretary 
of the Treasury should buy 4,500,000 ounces of silver each month, at 

1 Co?igressional Globe, vol. exxxvii., p. 1250. » 


the market price, and pay for it with "Treasury notes,*' to be redeemed 
by the Secretary of the Treasury in either jgold or silver coin, at his 
discretion; "it being the established policy of the United States to 
maintain the two metals on a parity with each other upon the present 
legal ratio, or such ratio as may be provided by law." The Treasury 
notes were made "legal-tender in payment of all debts, public or pri- 
vate, except where otherwise expressly stipulated in the contract." 
Under this Act, 168,000,000 ounces of silver were bought, 28,000,000 
ounces were coined, producing $36,000,000 in silver dollars ; and 
$156,000,000 of Treasury notes were issued. The law was repealed 
Nov. 1, 1893. 

6. The Gold Reserve. — In 1882 Congress created a fund of $100,- 
000,000, known as the "Gold Reserve." It was intended as a safety 
fund for the redemption of United States notes, and has been called 
"the barometer of public confidence." Its presence has sustained the 
assurance that the United States will continue its "policy" of keeping 
all its issues of money of equal value. When this reserve falls below 
the amount indicated, $100,000,000, the Secretary of the Treasury is 
required to suspend the issue of gold certificates. The gold reserve 
has been several times reduced, and under the Cleveland administra- 
tion was restored by the sale of bonds, a necessity which has not since 

7. The Results of Silver Legislation. — The results of the Bland- 
Allison and Sherman bills may be specified as follows : — 

(1) The government of the United States now has in its possession 
the largest stock of full legal-tender silver of any civilized nation in the 
world, — in the aggregate, $624,000,000, exceeded only by India and 

(2) The government has bought the greater part of this silver 
011 a falling market, the annual average ratio of silver to gold having 
fallen from 17.94 to 1 in the year 1878, when the Bland-Allison law 
was passed, to 1894, when it was 32.56 to 1. Or, to state it differently, 
the silver dollar, apart from the element of credit, — that is, as silver 
bullion, — was worth ninety-three cents in 1878, and was worth forty- 
nine cents in 1894. To put the matter in a still different form, a dollar 
that should have contained 416.66 grains of pure silver in 1876 would 
require nearly 800 grains, to be of equal value in 1900. The reason 
for this depreciation is apparent, when it is remembered that the 
silver production of the United States and of the world has 
more than doubled since 1878; while that of Europe has more than 
quadrupled, with not a single European mint open to the free coinage 
of silver. By the depreciation of silver now owned by the United 
States, the government has lost between fifty and sixty millions of 

(3) The fluctuations of the gold reserve, occasioned by the heavy 
exportations of gold under the Cleveland administration, indicated a 


timidity on the part of foreign holders and buyers of American secur- 
ities; for, as we have seen, the gold reserve is, to some extent, an 
indicator of public confidence in the ability and purpose of the gov- 
ernment to maintain the gold standard. While it has not been de- 
structive, it cannot be said that the silver legislation has been favorable 
to the foreign credit of the. United States. The intimations are plain, 
that a further move in the direction of the free coinage of silver would 
drain the country still further of its gold, instead of increasing other 

(4) It should be clearly noted that the silver legislation of the 
United States has had no permanent effect in restoring the price of 
silver or arresting its decline. It has steadily fallen, in spite of all 
efforts to sustain the market by purchase. The Sherman Act in 1890 
produced a temporary rally, but this was purely speculative and of 
short duration. During 1891 the price fell back to its former level, and 
went on falling, until the law was repealed. It is evident that nothing 
but strictly "unlimited coinage," if confined to the United States, could 
appreciably raise the price of silver, except in the same spasmodic 

8. The Policy of Parity. — If, in the light of all these facts, we ask 
the question, What has maintained an honest dollar in the United 
States? that is, a dollar of uniform and international value, we must 
answer, It is the policy of parity between all dollars issued by the 
government. Any time within the last twenty-five years, the free 
coinage of silver would have sent gold to a premium, and enforced 
upon the people a debased dollar, inflicting a partial repudiation of 
debts and the destruction of credit. We can see, in the consequences 
of compromise legislation, which has hitherto been the only available 
means of resisting free coinage, what a complete concession would 
have involved. The government has put its credit between the people 
and financial ruin, and the people have trusted it. The issue before 
the people now is, Shall the policy of parity be maintained? 


^The free coinage of silver would work injustice between debtors 
and creditors, but it is not certain which would suffer most. 

1. The Delusion of Cheap Money. — It is evident that the free coin- 
age of silver would increase the amount of credit money in the country 
without increasing credit, and that it would, therefore, be more dif- 
ficult than now to maintain the parity of silver dollars with gold. It 
is thought by many that this is not necessary. If the government 
issues dollars in great quantities, prices will rise ; and so, relatively to 
other things, money will be plenty, that is, it will be cheap. One 
dollar, if it is a legal-tender, will do as well as another to pay debts 
with ; and when dollars are plenty, it will be easier to pay debts. 


All this is true, and yet the statement contains a most vicious fal- 
lacy. If we double the amount of money in circulation, it would seem 
as if we could buy twice as much. We cannot do so, however ; because 
everything, except labor, will cost twice as much. What is the advan- 
tage of having two dollars, each worth fifty cents, over having one 
dollar worth one hundred cents? It is certain that, by doubling the 
amount of money in circulation, we shall not be able to obtain with 
our money as much as we do now. When silver bullion is taken to 
the United States Mint, and fifty cents worth of it is paid for by the 
government with a silver dollar, who gets the money? The dealer in 
bullion or the mine-owner that sends it there? But how will that help 
you to get any more money? The silver speculator may make millions, 
but you are no better off than before. But he will, perhaps, spend his 
money, and it will go into the circulation. How is this money to get 
into your possession? That is the interesting question. It may be 
deposited in a bank, or carried to Europe in a letter of credit ; but you 
will not be benefited by that. 

At the present time the United States has a larger per capita cir- 
culation than Great Britain, which has $17.05 to each person, while 
we have $25.42. France and Belgium have a larger per capita circula- 
tion than either Great Britain or the United States, and yet they are 
not so wealthy, nor is wealth more evenly distributed. The people of 
those countries hide their gold and silver in their beds, and bury it in 
the fields ; while the American people put their money in the banks 
and pay it out in checks, so that a small amount of money does a great 
deal of service in balancing exchanges. Moreover, we have never, since 
the settlement of the country, had so large an amount of money in 
circulation as in the last few years. In i860, it was only $13.85 to each 
person ; in 1865, when greenbacks were plenty, it was only $20.57. I* 
cannot be said with truth that there is too little money. The chief 
difficulty has been to get possession of it ; but doubling its quantity in 
the hands of speculators will not help us to do that. 

2. The Motive of Inflation. — When we touch the bottom of the mat- 
ter, it becomes evident that the great motive to silver inflation, apart 
from the owners of mines and of bullion, is that it will make easier the 
payment of debt. It cannot, of course, be pretended that this is a just 
or an honorable motive ; for what the debtor is supposed to gain, the 
creditor is supposed to lose. It is justified by the ignorant and by the 
sophistical, by referring to the "Crime of 1873," and by the pretence 
that gold has appreciated so that it is more difficult to get than it was 
in former years ; for which the only proof is that general prices are 
lower, which may as easily be caused by good crops and general pro- 
ductiveness as by a rise in the value of gold. At the present time, 
thanks to the large balance of trade in our favor, the United States 
possesses the largest stock of gold of any nation in the world. 


Nor does it cover the point of honor to say that existing debts 
were contracted upon a silver basis, and are now required to be paid in 
gold. Most existing debts were contracted in "lawful money of the 
United States," which, at the time they were contracted, was gold, 
silver, and paper, kept at parity by the prudent policy of the govern- 
ment. Justice requires that these debts be paid in the same kind of 
money that was borrowed ; but this argument cannot be expected to 
prevail with the Dick Turpin consciences of political demagogues, 
who pretend to rob the rich for the benefit of the poor, while, in truth, 
they are robbing both for the benefit of themselves. 

3. Debtors and Creditors. — Nearly every man in a civilized state of 
society stands constantly in the double relation of debtor and creditor. 
He always owes some one, and some one always owes him. The only 
exception is the absolute pauper. A man who owes more than is 
owing to him will not be likely to pay his debts in any kind of money, 
however cheap. He is insolvent. A man to whom more is owing than 
he owes is not, on that account, a proper mark for fraud, unless pros- 
perity is a crime to be punished by those not guilty of it. All men, 
therefore, are deeply interested in that relation between debtor and 
creditor called "credit." Primarily, it is faith in human sincerity and 
honesty. In savage and barbaric communities it does not exist. It is 
the highest fruit of civilized society, and, therefore, the most sacred. 
When the debtor makes war on the creditor, "credit" is destroyed, and 
is not easily restored. The extinction of credit shows itself first in a 
panic, every one seeking, as soon as possible, to recover his own be- 
fore it is too late. This inevitably involves financial ruin to men of 
all classes ; for it means paralysis of production, distribution, and con- 
sumption, an arrest of all economic functions except the collection of 

Can it be supposed for a moment that men will wait for what is due 
them when money is steadily depreciating in value? The sooner debts 
are recovered under such circumstances, the better for the creditor. 
Will he be likely to wait for the slow machinery of legislation to in- 
validate his debt, or will he collect it as soon as possible? Now, the 
proposition for the free and unlimited coinage of silver operates for 
the invalidation of debts by making them payable in a cheaper money. 
The Chicago platform contained a threat to force this inferior money 
upon every one, by making it illegal to draw contracts in any other 
money. Can that be good money, which must be forced upon people 
against their will? Is not this a threat to debase the currency? If 
not, why is it necessary to compel people to make contracts in it, and 
forbid their employing the present standard? A bad dollar that no 
one wants to take is a dishonest dollar when a debtor is forced to take 
it. It impairs every existing contract, and the freedom of contract. 
It is a blow at the right of property, and at simple equity between man 
and man, and has in it the seed of anarchy. 


Let us now suppose that such inflation and consequent deprecia- 
tion are forced upon the business world : how would it operate ? Every 
creditor would be disposed, as quickly as possible, to collect his debt 
before money had lost its present value. Most mortgage debts are 
now collectible, being usually drawn for one to three years. Fore- 
closures would follow ; numerous properties would be thrown upon 
the market; buyers would be few; the creditors would bid in the 
properties, and the debtors would lose their equities in them. All gold 
would be withdrawn at once from the circulation, which would in- 
volve a serious contraction of the volume of currency. For a time, 
money would be less plenty than it is now. Credit would be ex- 
tinguished, and it must be remembered that ninety per cent of the 
business of the country is done on credit. It is no exaggeration to 
say that the debtor would be crushed under his burdens. What is 
propagated as the debtor's deliverance would, in all probability, prove 
to be the debtor's doom. 

4. Who are the Debtors? — It is important just here to consider who 
are the greatest debtors in the United States. First come the United 
States Government, the States, and the municipalities. Considered with 
reference to their bonds, when not drawn in gold, the free coinage of 
silver is meant to be a measure of partial repudiation. But many State 
and municipal bonds are drawn in gold for long'terms. Unless some 
legal quibble should defraud the debtor, gold would have to be bought 
at a premium for the interest and principal of such bonds, creating an 
additional burden of taxation. 

Among the largest debtors are the railways. Their bonds are 
largely drawn in gold ; and a premium upon it would not only wipe out 
all dividends, but, in most cases, render the companies insolvent, with 
the consequences of insolvency to their employees, stockholders, and 
bondholders. When it is remembered how many thousands of widows, 
orphans, and prudent people who have saved a little money hold mu- 
nicipal or railroad securities, the enormity of the proposition to de- 
fraud the creditor becomes apparent. 

The next class of debtors on the list is the banks of deposit. NearH 
all the money of the people is intrusted. to them, with nothing to show 
for it but a credit on the bank's books. Suppose all these depositors 
want their money, in anticipation of its depreciation : what would 
happen? The banks would, of necessity, be closed, and all payments 
suspended. It may be said, Why should people want to withdraw 
their money under a free coinage law, when they can be paid in silver 
now? The answer is very simple. Because a silver dollar is now as 
good as a gold dollar, on account of the policy of parity which the 
government has established and thus far maintained; but the free 
coinage of silver would destroy this parity. No one wants "cheaper 
money" who can get back the good money he parted with. For that 


reason, every one who can will try to get it back, when it is in serious 
danger, and will refuse to wait until its full recovery is impossible. 

5. Who are the Creditors? — But now let us see who the greatest 
creditors are. Prominent among them are the savings banks, with 
5,687,818 depositors, and $2,230,366,954 of deposits, mostly loaned on 
bond and mortgage. Who are these depositors who constitute so 
large a class of creditors? They are chiefly laboring people, who, by 
economy and prudence, have saved little sums averaging from $50 to 
$500. These are the creditors who are to receive their hard earnings in 
''cheap money," — in dollars worth fifty cents ! 

Another large class of creditors is the life insurance companies. 
In the United States they have policies in force to the amount of 
$14,694,465,770, and affecting probably 30,000,000 persons. The 
funds of these companies are chiefly invested in mortgage bonds. 
Could these companies ever pay their risks, if they were defrauded of 
half their investments? Most of them would certainly become in- 
solvent, and fail to pay the policy holders. Those that survived could 
pay only in proportion to what they received as creditors. And who 
are these policy holders? They are men of all classes, — ministers, 
teachers, professional men, merchants, farmers, clerks, whose savings 
have been sufficient to enable them to take out a policy of insurance 
on their lives, for the sake of their wives and children when their hands 
fall helpless and their busy brains are still. And these rapacious cred- 
itors, also, are to be paid in "cheap money." 


The free coinage of silver would increase the cost of living, but 
would not increase porportionally the wages of labor. 

1. The Wage-earner as Creditor. — It is important to remember that, 
among the creditors of the country, the largest class consists of the 
wage-earning part of the population. More than any other class, the 
wage-earners are shareholders in the great creditor institutions for 
saving and for mutual insurance; but, apart from this, they are di- 
rectly and personally prospective creditors to the whole extent of their 
income. All who are paid for their services, whether by the day, week, 
month, or year, at fixed rates, belong to the class of expectant creditors. 
For them, and for all who would deal justly by them, the question is, 
How would they be affected by the free coinage of silver ? 

2. The Difference between Commodities and Services. — Whoever has 
a commodity for sale can put upon it an anticipatory price. He may 
not get it to-day, but, if he holds on, he may get it to-morrow. Thii 
is what leads to speculation in wheat, cotton, bullion, and other com- 
modities. An anticipatory price is a speculative price. 

It is impossible to speculate in personal services with any success. 
A man who withholds his labor in the hope of getting a higher price 
for it, usually loses his place, and is thrown out of work. By uniting 


with others, he may sometimes and for a while force an increase of 
wages ; but, while this process of forcing is going on, he remains idle, 
and, consequently, without pay. He must sell his services to-day, or 
he loses to-day's income. 

This important difference between commodities that can be kept 
for a profit and labor that cannot be withheld except at a loss, is the 
principle that operates to raise prices without raising wages, or to 
raise prices much more rapidly than zvages. 

3. The Verdict of Experience. — This principle is not merely theo- 
retical; it is proved and illustrated by universal experience. A few 
examples will serve to establish this. 

The statistics of wages and prices for the period from the begin- 
ning of the Civil War and the issue of legal-tender notes are excep- 
tionally full and accurate. Says Professor Taussig: — ■ 

"Money wages responded with unmistakable slowness to the in- 
flating influences of the Civil War. In 1865, when prices stood at 217 
as compared with 100 in i860, wages had only touched 143. The 
course of events at this time shows the truth of the common state- 
ment, that, in times of inflation, wages rise less quickly than prices, 
and that the period of transition is one of hardship to the wage-receiv- 
ing class/' 1 

A comparison of wages paid for all kinds of labor shows that they 
are uniformly higher in gold standard countries than in countries on 
a silver basis, and higher in the United States than anywhere else in 
the world. 2 

The experience of Japan teaches an important lesson. While on 
the silver basis the price of staples increased 28 per cent and wages 
only 14 per cent, or only half as rapidly. As a result of experience 
Japan has adopted the gold standard. 

Mexico is a sufficiently near neighbor of the United States to be 
particularly instructive. Wages have risen nominally in Mexico with- 
in the last few years, as silver has depreciated, but far less rapidly 
than prices; and they are from one-third to one-half lower than they 
are in the United States. The exchange value of a Mexican silver 
dollar, containing more silver than the American dollar, is about 48 

If wages rose in this country under a system of free coinage, which 
is uncertain, it would be much more slowly than the prices of com- 
modities. To sustain the present scale of living, it would be necessary 
that they should be more than doubled: No sane man can dream of 
this. The injustice of free coinage to the wage-earner is, therefore, 
evident. It zvould double his cost of living without doubling his in- 

4. Our Experience Under the Gold Standard. — Ever since the re- 
sumption of specie payments in 1879 favorable conditions have 

1 Quoted by White, Money and Banking, pp. 163, 164. 2 World Almanac for 1896, pp. 158, 159. 


repeatedly produced an increase of wages upon a gold basis. The 
chief cause of such increase has been a spirit of confidence on the part 
of producers in the wisdom of legislation. The most remarkable 
advance in wages in the history of recent times is exhibited in the 
information furnished by labor unions and showing the increase in 
wages made in the years 1897, 1898 and 1899 under the existing 
sound money policy. 


The free coinage of silver would not conduce to the agricultural 
prosperity of the United States, which will profit most from 
general prosperity. 

1. The Agrarian Argument. — The movement for the free coinage 
of silver has been promoted by a propaganda originating in the silver- 
producing States, and addressing itself largely to the agricultural 
classes. Aside from the incitement of sectional jealousy and hostility, 
the movement has proceeded mainly along this line of argument : ( 1 ) 
Parallel with the fall in the value of silver, there has been a decline 
in the price of agricultural products, especially wheat; (2) This de- 
cline is owing to the demonetization of silver by the "Crime of 1873," 
the appreciation of gold, and the efforts of Wall Street and foreign 
powers to keep the United States on a gold standard; (3) The only 
cure for this unjust state of things is to overcome the political su- 
premacy of the East, through the free and unlimited coinage of silver 
at the old ratio of 16 to 1. 

These teachings have been spread throughout the country, especially 
in the West and South, by a wide distribution of literature, and the 
personal work of agents maintained by the wealth of the silver-pro- 
ducing interests. Large numbers of honest men, unfamiliar with the 
facts of our monetary history, or with the great principles that underlie 
economic relations, have been deceived by the misrepresentation of 
facts and the fallacies of reasoning contained in these teachings. 

2. The Relation of Wheat and Silver. — The representations of the 
advocates of free coinage have created the impression, in many minds, 
that there is a natural relation of equivalence between 412.5 grains of 
standard silver and a bushel of wheat. This great staple, which was 
worth a dollar a bushel in 1872, has at times been worth only about 
fifty cents. Wheat, therefore, seems, at first sight, to have followed 
the fortunes of the silver dollar ; and if we could once more make that 
dollar the standard, it would seem as if we might thereby restore the 
price of wheat. 

The absurdity of this idea, however striking at first thought, be- 
comes apparent when we consider that there is no causal relation be- 
tzveen the two orders of fact. Wheat and silver rise and fall in value 
quite independently of each other, according to the fluctuations of de- 
mand and supply. The prices current show this clearly. In 1861 

wheat was as low as 55 cents a bushel, yet a silver dollar was then 
worth more than a gold dollar. In 1882 wheat was worth $1.40, and 
a silver dollar was worth only 85 cents in gold. In 1894 wheat was 
as low as 50 cents a bushel, and a silver dollar was equal to only 46 
cents in gold. It is evident that there is no natural relation, not to 
speak of a divinely appointed harmony, between the silver dollar and 
a bushel of wheat ! 

The fact of a temporary decline in the price of wheat is evident, 
but the inference as to its cause is wholly false. What, then, is the 
true explanation? Since 1872 the grain-growing area has increased 
with a rapidity unprecedented in the history of the world. Enormous 
new tracts have been devoted to the raising of wheat in both North 
and South America and in Asia. In the United States alone, the de- 
velopment has been remarkable. In 1875 the acreage of wheat grow- 
ing in this country was 26,381,512 acres. In 1891 it was 39,916,897 
cres, an increase of more than 50 per cent. The crop, in 1875, was 
)2, 126,000 bushels, the largest in many years; but in 1891 it was 
lore than 100 per cent greater, being 611,780,000 bushels. There has 
been, also, a large increase in the production of other cereals, some of 
which are competitive with wheat. 

3. The Free Coinage of Silver not a Cure. — If the free silver theorist 
is mistaken in his diagnosis, his prescription has no value. But he is 
more oblivious of facts in his remedy than in explaining the disease. 
He argues that the free coinage of silver would increase the price of 
agricultural products, and thus relieve the farmer from the curse of 
low prices. Let us see if this is so. 

The free coinage of silver would either restore the ratio of 16 to 
1, or it would not. Let us suppose for a moment that it would. The 
silver dollar will then continue to be as good as a gold dollar, but it 
will be no better. What, then, is to increase the price of wheat? 
If the inflation of the currency raises the price of wheat above the 
gold price in the world's market, this currency being equal in value 
to gold, the importation of wheat at gold prices will afford a profit. 
Importation may be depended upon, until the price is depressed to the 
gold price in the world's market. The American farmer would thereby 
create a competitor in his own domestic market. Nothing could save 
him from returning to the gold price in the world's market, except a 
protective tariff on breadstuff s, but this is no part of the free silver 

Let us now suppose, which is practically certain, that the free coin- 
age of silver would not restore the ratio of 16 to 1. What would 
follow from this? The money of the United States being thereby 
depreciated in value, it would require more of it to represent present 
value ; therefore prices would rise, as they always will when the cur- 
rency is depreciated. Would that increase the demand for wheat? 


Not at all. If foreign countries imported American grain, it would 
be at no higher price than the gold price in the zvorld's market, — that 
is, at the present price. Reduced to a gold basis, the price would be 
no higher than it is now. Everything would be valued on a gold basis, 
but paid for on a silver basis. It should be clearly seen, once for all, 
that no commodity can possibly rise above its gold price in the world's 
market without attracting competition and a consequent fall to this 
basis, except upon one condition, namely, that its price is maintained 
by a Protective Tariff. Upon a gold basis, or upon an international 
bimetallic basis, a protective tariff can accomplish this result; but it 
can never be accomplished by inflating the currency. The interest of 
the American farmer, therefore, lies in building up a diversified indus- 
try in the United States, which will secure a better market by with- 
drawing competition in the field and promoting prosperity in the 
workshop; and in extending American commerce, loading our own 
ships with our own grain, and making Chicago, instead of London, 
the grain mart of the world. 

The only foundation of commercial success is commercial honor, 
which the free coinage of silver would openly violate. 

1. The Foundation of Credit. — The commercial system of the world 
would be impossible, and we should return to the barbaric method of 
primitive times in matters of exchange, if it were not for the existence 
of what is known as "credit." When subjected to analysis, this is 
found to be public faith in a system of legally sustained equity between 
men and nations. It is the product of a long moral and intellectual 
evolution, and represents the best development of the human con- 
science and the human intellect. It assumes the right of personal 
property, the protection of contracts under the law, and the justice 
of ultimate legal tribunals. Men believe in it because they believe in 
them, and a blow at any one of them is an injury to public and private 
credit to that extent. 

Every thoughtful man is able to see, in the Chicago Platform, hos- 
tility to all of the three assumptions upon which public and private 
credit rests. In so far as it proposes the payment of debts contracted 
upon a gold basis with money conformed to a silver standard, in the 
face of the present disparity between them, it is an assault, however 
covert, upon the right of property. In so far as it proposes to pay 
the bonds of the United States in money inferior to that with which 
they were bought, it assaults the legal protection of contracts. In so 
far as it brings under criticism the decisions of the Supreme Court, 
the highest tribunal in the land, and proposes to modify its judgments, 
it aims a blow at public confidence in our system of justice. The prin- 
ciples and purposes alleged are, therefore, revolutionary in their nature, 
and would tend to unsettle the credit of the men, communities, or nation 
that should deliberately apply them. 

2. Free Coinage as Repudiation. — In the light of the foregoing 
pages, there can remain no doubt that the free and unlimited coinage 
of silver at the ratio of 16 to I, when a standard silver dollar is worth 
only about fifty cents as bullion, and when there is not a mint in Europe 
open to free coinage, would be an act of repudiation. The only mean- 
ing of the proposition is that the United States is to lend unlimited 
credit to an issue of money without anything in return, and is to pay 
her debts with such money. If the ratio were maintained, the depos- 
itor of silver at the Mint would take away double the value he brought, 
without making any return to the government. Why should the gov- 
ernment throw away its credit in this fashion ? and having become care- 
less of it to an "unlimited" extent, how could it preserve its credit? 
If the ratio were not maintained, the result would be a depreciation 
of all the national money except gold, which would then be at a 
premium. In that case the government would either have to bear a 
new burden to obtain gold for the payment of its gold debt, or partially 
repudiate that debt by payment in an inferior money. In the present 
condition of things a dollar of 412.5 grains of silver is, of necessity, 
a credit dollar. Its unlimited issue would make it a dishonest dollar. 
Dishonest payment is the ruin of credit, and the ruin of credit is the 
ruin of prosperity. 


The injustice and inexpediency of the free and unlimited coinage 
of silver are evident from the analysis of the question already 
given. It remains, however, to point out that the strategic 
points upon which the advocates of the theory base their 
reasoning are transparently fallacious. 

1. The Fallacy of Method. — A subject of such profound practical 
importance demands the patient and impartial examination of facts. 
This the advocates of the free coinage of silver carefully avoid. In 
place of the facts, they set up sectional and class prejudices, proposing 
to use animosity in the place of conviction. The accepted Bible of 
the silver movement is Coin's Financial School, by W. H. Harvey, 
which deals mainly in caricature, sophistry, and inflammatory per- 
versions of fact. It is skilfully adapted to appeal to the ignorant and 
discontented, but never ventures upon solid argument. 

In speaking of the monetary unit, Mr. Harvey implies that silver 
was chosen as the original and exclusive unit of value, because, "in 
the days of Washington and Jefferson, our Revolutionary forefathers 
had a hatred of England, and an intimate knowledge of her designs 
on this country !" Then follows this flourish of rhetoric: "They had 
fought eight long years for their independence from British ^domina- 
tion in this country; and when they had seen the last redcoat leave 
our shores, they settled down to establish a permanent government, 
and among the first things they did w r as to make 371.25 grains of silver 
the unit of values. That much silver was to constitute a dollar. And 


each dollar was a unit. They then provided for all other money to be 
counted from this unit of a silver dollar!" 1 

Aside from the utterly unhistorical character of these statements, 
they appeal to no other impulse than that of hatred and vindictiveness. 
The silver dollar is represented as having a sacredness to Americans 
like the Stars and Stripes ; so that it becomes a patriotic duty to coin 
it without limit, even at a loss, because our forefathers adopted it as 
a sign of independence and as an act of rebuke to a foreign power ! 

But what are the facts? England did not adopt the single gold 
standard until 1816. The adoption of the silver dollar by Congress 
in 1792 was not "among the first things" our Revolutionary fore- 
fathers did ; they did not adopt silver to show "their independence ;" 
they did not discard gold on account of "designs on this country," or 
from "hatred of England;" and they did not make silver "the unit 
of values," or decide that 371.25 grains of silver should alone "consti- 
tute a dollar." 

2. The Fallacy of the Unit. — The unit in the system of coinage 
established by the law of 1792 is not 371.25 grains of silver. The unit 
is the "dollar;" and the dollar is related to a bimetallic standard of 
value, gold and silver, at a ratio of 15 of silver to 1 of gold, by weight. 
The coin first named is the gold "eagle." This was to contain "two 
hundred and forty-seven and four-eighths of a grain of pure, or two 
hundred and seventy grains of standard, gold." The silver dollar was 
to contain "three hundred and seventy-one grains and four-sixteenths 
parts of a grain of pure, or four hundred and sixteen grains of stand- 
ard, silver. . . . The proportional value of gold to silver in all 
coins which shall by law be current as money within the United States 
shall be as fifteen to one, according to quantity in weight, of pure gold 
or pure silver; that is to say, every fifteen pounds weight of pure 
silver shall be of equal value in all payments with one pound weight of 
pare gold/' 2 

Is it true, in the light of this law, that tne unit of value is 371.25 
grains of silver; or that, "in considering which of these two metals 
they would thus favor by making it the unit, they were led to adopt 
silver because it was the most reliable?" "The one selected," says Mr. 
Harvey, "would thereafter be unchangeable in value. . . . The 
metal in it could not be worth less than a dollar, for it would be the 
unit of value !" 3 We have, then, the preposterous statement, that 371.25 
grains of silver can never change its value; because it is the unit! 

But a careful reading of the law shows that the ultimate unit of 
value is "one pound weight of pure gold" Hamilton himself so un- 
derstood it; for he said of the Spanish silver dollar, "That species of 
coin has never had any settled or standard value, . . . while gold 
has a fixed price by weight." 4 He fixed his ratio by taking 15 pounds 
of silver to 1 of gold. 

1 Coin' 's Financial School, p. 7. 2 Art of Apri 1 , T-02. 

t, Coin's Financial School, p. 8. 4 Report on the Establishment of a Mint. 

The following table shows the true relations of the whole subject : — 

Arithmetical unit = the dollar. Physical unit = a dollar of gold or of silver. 

( half dollar / eagle {$lo) 

Physical parts of _ J quarter-dollar. Physical multiples _ J double eagle (#20) 

a dollar _ 1 hXdime of a dollar ~ 1 half eagle ( ? s) /* , 

(cent ( q uarter - ea gle ($2.50) 

Bimetallic stan- _ ( 15 pounds of silver equiva- Ultimate Standard of _ I x poun( j f so \^ 
dard \ lent to 1 pound of gold value I 

Hamilton started with gold as the basis of all his calculations. 
Finding that 24.75 grains of gold had been regarded as equal to a 
Spanish milled dollar, a coin in current use, not by choice, but by cir- 
cumstances of trade, he fixed the value of the dollar as equivalent to 
24.75 grains of gold. Multiplying this by 15, — the ratio decided upon, 
— he arrived at the result, 371.25 grains of silver, as the proper weight 
of the silver dollar. Had his mental operation been what the silver 
theorists represent, he would have taken as his basis of calculation, 
without any reason, 371.25 grains of pure silver. 

3. The Fallacy of the Quantitative Ratio. — The most convincing 
thing in the free coinage theory at first sight is the brilliant demonstra- 
tion that all the silver in the world stands to all the gold in the world 
at a ratio of 15 2-3 to i. 1 Supposing that Mr. Harvey, or any other 
living man, knows exactly how much of the two metals there is in the 
world, — which is highly improbable, — this ratio merely proves that, 
if all the people in the world zvould use gold and silver interchangeably 
at this ratio, the metals zvould have this relative value. As a ground 
for universal bimetallism, — assuming that the facts are as stated, and 
that more money is universally needed, — this quantitative ratio may 
be of interest. 

4. The Fallacy of the Restored Ratio. — The fact brought to light 
in the last paragraph, — assuming it to be a fact, — is, however, pro- 
foundly significant in relation to the adoption of free coinage by the 
United States alone. If the normal ratio of value is 15 2-3 to 1, based 
upon all the gold and silver in the zvorld, it is evident that free coinage 
of silver by the United States alone, when all the European mints are 
closed to silver, would attract a disproportionate amount to our mints; 
so that the quantity of silver would prevent the re-establishment of 
the ratio. In order to establish and sustain it, we should have to coin 
all the surplus stock and annual product of the zvorld! If Mr. Har- 
vey's figures are right, universal free coinage of both gold and silver 
would be required to keep the market ratio at the quantitative ratio. 
Does he expect the United States to do this alone? His expectation 
is evident from his alternative: "Gold may go out of circulation," 
he says, "but its doing so does not disturb the practical effect of 
bimetallic prices. There should be a law making it a forfeiture of the 
debt to discriminate in favor of one form of national currency against 
another. The present law allowing gold to be named in the bond is 

i Coin's Financial School, Appendix. 

statutory treason." 1 His remedy for want of parity is, "Put less gold 
in the gold dollar. Bring the weight of the gold dollar down till they 
are on a parity." 2 

5. The Fallacy of Falling Prices. — There is an appearance of serious 
and honest argument in the tables of comparative prices, by which 
an attempt is made to show that a given amount of silver will buy the 
same amount of commodities, roughly speaking, as it would twenty 
years ago ; while a given amount of gold will buy a greater quantity. 
It looks for a moment as if silver is, after all, a less variable standard 
of deferred payments than gold, and as if gold had become too rare to 
meet the demands of commercial life. 

The following table 3 shows that, while most articles fell in price 
during the period 1 865-1890, the value of a man's labor increased from 
66 upon the scale of 100 in 1865 to 172.1 in 1890 as measured by the 
gold standard. The chief decline was in manufactured articles: 











Other food 

Cloths and clothing 

Fuel and lighting 

Metals and implements 

Lumber and building materials . . 

Drugs and chemicals 

House Furnishings 


Average of all prices 

Paper money 

Purchasing power of wages 

79 4 

114 8 
102 8 








299 2 








174 3 
81 1 





117 5 




122 9 

124 1 

116 9 
100 2 


109 8 

107 6 

89 6 

126 6 



99 5 

92 6 

123 7 



The obvious reason for the fall in prices of manufactured articles 
is the improved processes of production. Better machinery, better 
methods, close competition, new transportation facilities, have com- 
bined to cheapen this class of articles. Therefore, a dollar will buy 
more of them than it ever would before. And yet, there is no scarcity 
of money. The whole case is comprised in the statement, that im- 
proved means of production have made a dollar go farther than it did 
twenty years ago, and this cannot be regarded as a public calamity. 
If the American people prefer a dollar which they can spend more 
quickly and get less for, the free coinage policy provides for it. 

But, if prices have fallen, does that justify the free and unlimited 
coinage of silver? Will that constitute a just and expedient relief? 
This has not been shown by any argument thus far advanced in de- 
fense of the free coinage theory. On the other hand, it is evident that 
a financial panic, the loss of our foreign credit, the instability of 
values, the open sea of "unlimited" cheap money, would be worse for 
all classes than the present condition of public and private security. 
An even and honorable measure of values is the strong foundation of 
business prosperity. It will be wise for the American people to see 

1 Coitus Financial School, pp. 137, 138. 2 Idem, p. 138. 3 Abstract of the Eleventh Census, p. 192. 

their course plainly, before they indulge in legislative experiments to 
give an artificial value to products which the growth of enterprise has 
cheapened, and to absolve the debtor from his honorable obligations. 
The only advantages which could possibly follow from a free coinage 
law are such as belong to a depreciated currency. 


It will doubtless be represented in the coming campaign that the 
proposed free coinage law would give us an "honest dollar." Those 
who have read this pamphlet will be able to form their own opinion of 
that; but, certainly, the intentions of a political party should be evi- 
dent from its platform We have presented elsewhere the financial 
planks of the two leading parties. Before deciding where to look for 
an "honest dollar," it may be well to compare those platforms again. 

In order to interpret aright the intention of the two parties, we 
must go back to the platforms of 1896, for these show the purposes of 
both in their naked truthfulness. They display the motives which 
the Bryan Democracy is now disposed to conceal beneath the fantastic 
mask of "Imperialism." 

The Republican platform of 1896, reaffirmed in 1900, is "unre- 
servedly for sound money," "unalterably opposed to every measure 
calculated to debase our currency, or impair the credit of our country." 
It proposes to keep our silver and paper currency "at parity with 
gold." It promises to maintain "inviolably the obligations of the 
United States." Now, what has the Democratic platform to say about 
"sound money," or the "credit of the country," or "parity" between 
the different forms of money, or inviolable "obligations?" Not one 
word. On the contrary, it speaks of the "burden of debt, public and 
private," the "enrichment" and "impoverishment" of classes of citi- 
zens by each other, and "financial servitude to London." It demands 
that a debased coinage shall be made legal tender foi all debts, public 
and private, and proposes to force this inferior money upon the peo- 
ple by prohibiting contracts in any other. It is not difficult to de- 
termine from the platforms of these two parties which is the guardian 
and which is the enemy of a uniform standard of value, of the credit 
of the country, and of the obligation of contracts. The one has the 
clear ring of business honor; the other defines its aims and purposes 
in terms of personal greed and public irresponsibility. The one stands 
for law and equity ; the other declaims of revolution. The one is the 
champion of political order; the other is the pupil of social anarchy. 
The one calls upon the American people to unite in mutual trust and 
helpfulness to maintain the public credit; the other sets class against 
class, and sows the seeds of mutual hatred and distrust. Between 
them every man must choose. 

\Ve have been moving iri untried paths, but oui 
kteps have been guided by honor and duty. 

—William McKinley. 

Problems in the Orient 

Hawaii Safely on the Smooth Highway 

of American Enterprise and 


With Pacification in the Philippines Come Questions of 
Land, Labor, Education and Good Government 

Hints for Us from Java and Ceylon — Malays Will Work and Make 

Exemplary Citizens — Slavery and Polygamy Doomed — Uncle 

Sam's Territorial Class— Manila's Great Future — 

A Flexible Policy Vital— China's 

Open Door Dependent. 


(From Editorial Correspondence of the Washington Evening Star.) 



Hawaii Under Annexation— Evidences of Prosperity— William H. 
Seward's Prophetic Utterance. 

When the Nippon Maru steamed into Honolulu harbor yesterday 
morning ample evidence was furnished of the vigorous impulse which 
recent events have given to the development of the Pacific communities 
from San Francisco to Manila. A week ago, when we passed through the 
Golden Gate, not only San Francisco, but the whole Pacific coast from San 
Diego to Seattle, was in a ferment of business activity. New blood, warm 
and rich, v/as pulsating through the veins of commerce. The section after 
a period of lethargy had awakened to its work as the strong man refreshed 
by sleep. Everybody was busy, pushing hopeful. Everywhere seemingly 
boundless energy and cheerful confidence prevailed. 

Here in Honolulu harbor similar conditions were met. Many of the 
external appearances were unchanged. The waves still rolled lazily up 
the sands of Waikiki. Unclad youngsters still paddled about in their 
rough coffin-shaped boats and invited opportunities to dive for coins. 
Hawaiian canoes, with their balancing outriggers, darted here and there. 

Punch Bowl still looked down upon a city buried in a park, with here a 
roof and there a tower or steeple showing through the green and irregular 
surface of the dominating foliage. But the harbor, once a harmonious part 
of a scene of peaceful beauty, a lazy Elysium, is now overflowing with ships, 
which fill the air with smoke and unaccustomed noises, and which banish 
the possibility of the old day-dreaming through the hustle and bustle of 
intense business activity. The change is brought home practically to the 
Nippon Maru, for every docking-place in the harbor is occupied, and she 
is compelled to anchor out in the channel and to land her passengers in 
small boats. 

The hostilities in the Philippines are responsible in part for the present 
over-crowding of the harbor. Irrespective, however, of this temporary and 

extraordinary demand upon Honolulu's docks, the commercial growth of 
the city is such, it is said, that the ■•docking facilities are becoming inade- 
quate with the result that ships are often subjected to long delays in dis- 
charging their cargoes, and the demand is urgent for an enlargement by 
dredging of the present harbor. 


The population of Honolulu has been rapidly increasing and must now, 
Mr. Thurston estimates, exceed 40,000. Everything rentable. is rented and 
the demand is not satisfied. Several hundred new buildings, including 
business blocks, have been erected since I visited here two years ago. 
Suburban subdivisions are climbing high up the hillsides. Real estate 
values have vastly increased. Enlargement of population is indicated by 
the extraordinary demand for letter-boxes at the postoffice. Notwith- 
standing the large number of additional boxes which have been furnished 
there are still over a hundred applicants unsatisfied. Business develop- 
ment is shown by the crowding of the harbor with ships, and by the fact 
that the island government has accumulated nearly two millions of surplus, 
largely customs duties~upon the expanded volume of imports. 

A long drive through Honolulu, new and old, to Punch Bowl and to 
Waikiki gave visible corroboration of what had been said concerning 
Honolulu's boom. Here and there were semi-tropical suggestions, as, for 
example, growing taro, Chinese men, women and tiny children gathering 
rice, canal-furrowed banana orchards, lofty cocoanut palms and a wonder- 
ful luxuriance of vegetation and foliage. But pervading and dominating 
the scene was a distinctly American city, vigorous, bustling, springing up 
and pushing outward in every direction. 

We can deal the more promptly and confidently with the first of our 
recent island acquisitions because it is already Americanized, and the 
natives, educated, Christianized and civilized through the labors of Ameri- 
can missionaries, are ready, under the wise limitations which were applied 
in the recent republic, to participate in a territorial form of self-goverr- 
ment. They have not been massacred or oppressed by the whites. They 
have not been rendered sullen and mistrustful by centuries of Spanish mis- 
rule. They arc prosperous and content. The dominant whites have 
learned how to co-operate with them and to influence them, and have not 
abused their control. The difficult problem when is to be "solved by us in 

our other island possessions has been worked out for us in advance by 
Americans in Hawaii. The easiest, quickest and wisest way to govern 
satisfactorily in the islands is to adapt existing conditions to American 
forms, to continue as far as possible the methods which have commended 
themselves by their results, and to utilize to a large degree in public serv- 
ice the men who have so well learned the lesson of sustaining the white 
man's rule in the tropics without degrading or ill-treating the natives. 


Probably the London or New York of the future Pacific will not spring 
up in Hawaii. The comparatively small size and limited resources of the 
islands perhaps forbid. But a large, prosperous city, not alone as the 
market of steadily increasing domestic imports and exports, but as the 
Half-Way House between America and Asia at which every Pacific- 
traversing ship will naturally call is reasonably certain to be developed 
and to prosper in exact accordance with the expansion of Pacific trade. 

When the commerce of this ocean was represented by a single Spanish 
galleon, sailing annually from Manila to Acapulco, the author of Anson's 
Voyage said in 1746: 

"It is indeed most remarkable that by the concurrent testimony of all 
the Spanish navigators there is not one port betwixt the Philippine Islands 
and the coast of California; so that from the time the Manila ship first loses 
sight of land she never lets go her anchor till she arrives on the coast of 

Now when this commerce has been multiplied by the thousand and 
will speedily be multiplied by the tens and hundreds of thousand, we have 
happily changed all that and an admirable and attractive intermediate 
port is provided. 

In 1852 William H. Seward said: "Henceforth European commerce, 
European politics, European thought and European activity, although 
actually gaining force, and European connections, although actually be- 
coming more intimate, will nevertheless relatively sink in importance; 
while the Pacific ocean, its shores, its islands and the vast region beyond 
will ttecome the chief theater of events in the world's great hereafter." 
This bold prediction, visionary at the date of its delivery, is rapidly being 
verified. The Pacific is steadily outstripping the Atlantic in volume of 
trade. The acquisition of the Philippines, in connection with the new 

development of Japan, the re-making of China, the near-by completion of 
the Siberian railroad and the construction of an isthmian canal will tre- 
mendously increase the commerce between America and Asia, and Hono- 
lulu will be an essential link in the American commercial chain connecting 
the two hemispheres, and will participate in Pacific business activity and 


Land Teaure the First of Them— A Court to Pass on Titles— Prej- 
udice Against Friars Not Against Religion— Enforce- 
ment of Law and Order. 

General MacArthur thinks well of the capabilities of the Filipinos, but 
warns against going ahead too fast in the attempt to impose the American 
system and methods upon an Asiatic people, at this time sensitive and dis- 
trustful. The local civil governments which are being established will, he 
thinks, prove excellent schools of instruction in American methods. 

General MacArthur pointed out that many of the rich mestizos — half- 
castes with Chinese blood — who, next to the Spaniards, have been in control 
in Luzon, are to be reckoned as an obstructive factor in our solution of the 
Philippine problem. They have no desire for American methods with hon- 
est administration for the benefit of the whole people. They have bought 
special privileges and exemptions from the executive and judicial repre- 
sentatives under the Spanish rule when the occasion required, and the prop- 
osition that they shall be treated like every one else under a system of even- 
handed justice which aims to benefit the people and not a few individuals 
comes as a shock and a disappointment to such persons. 

Concerning the land problem, General MacArthur thinks that there 
should be a properly constituted court — like the Court of Claims — which, 
upon formal application, will look into questions of title in respect to the 
tracts claimed by the monastic orders. 

He is of the opinion that the Chinese must not be allowed to come in 
to any greater extent than in the United States. Labor openings' and 
opportunities must be guarded and preserved for the Filipinos and they 
must be judiciously pushed into work. We are not to conduct Philippine 
affairs with immediate personal gain to ourselves in view, but are to so 

regulate conditions that the material prosperity of the Filipinos may be en- 
hanced. The English firms which control Philippine trade naturally wish 
Chinese cheap and reliable labor in unlimited quantities, but for the good 
of the Filipinos, which is the motive for our intervention, the Chinese must 
not be permitted to come in without restriction and to drive the Filipinos 
entirely out of the labor field. 


The evil of the holding by monastic orders of title to boundless tracts, 
including whole provinces of the most valuable lands in Luzon, endangers 
the future of the island. The soil cannot remain indefinitely the property 
of alien landlords, whether ecclesiastical or lay. Luzon is not to become 
another Ireland, with the evil conditions of that unhappy island magnified 
a hundredfold. The people who inhabit the land, who cultivate it and 
develop it, must have an interest in it. It is said that the orders have not 
valid record title to much of the confiscated land of which they have taken 
possession by virtue of their relations with the Spanish Government. As 
has been suggested, some sort of a tribunal should examine into the whole 
question of these titles. If no other effective method is discovered these 
extensive alien land holdings may be broken up by the imposition of a very 
heavy ground tax. Land is almost neglected as a source of revenue under 
the Spanish tax system which we are enforcing. 

The Filipino hatred of the friars is not directed against them as Roman 
Catholics. The mass of the Filipinos are nominal Catholics, and there is 
no religious revolt whatsoever. The churches are well attended. For 
example, I observed hundreds flocking at an early hour in the morning to 
mass at the church in Calasiao. The Roman Catholic Church will, in its 
own interest, do well to consider how far it is wise to alienate a Catholic 
population by attempting to force upon the people as its representatives 
men who are feared and detested. Of course, generalizations about the 
friars as a body will fail to fit the cases of some individual priests, who, as 
good men, may be personally acceptable to their parishes. But on the 
broad question of making the cause of the friars its own the decision of the 
Roman Church is eagerly awaited, both by the Filipino people and by the 
Protestant denominations of the world, which are ready to take advantage 
of any blunder in policy which may be committed. 

There is no reason why American Catholics should side with the friars. 
These men are Spaniards, with more than the natural national grudge 

against Us. They a^s tne essence of Spanish ^government in the 
Philippines, which we have overthrown. They hate us and spit upon our 
flag. In most cases, if returned to the villages, they will become centers of 
anti-American sentiment and influence. If Luzon is to be gradually 
Americanized, this task will be aided, so far as the influence of the Roman 
Church extends, only through English-speaking priests. 


In Panay, as in Luzon, the monastic orders claim ownership of the 
most valuable lands in the island, and have been driven out by the people. 
Speaking to me on this subject at Iloilo, General Hughes said that in his 
opinion the Catholic Church should put in every parish a sensible English- 
speaking priest, to dispel gradually the prejudice against the Spanish 
friars and to counteract the influence of the native priests, who are almost 
all insurrectos, and in many cases ignorant and corrupt. 

Everyone who undergoes the experiences of the railroad trip to Dagu- 
pan becomes unfailingly the enthusiastic advocate of the policy of' dis- 
criminating as soon as possible between the scattered Filipino bands still 
in arms and the insurgent army. Treat the war against the latter organiza- 
tion as over, declare amnesty, maintain no grudge or animosity against 
former hostiles submitting in good faith, and by prompt fulfillment in 
specific shape of general promises of good government and redress of old 
Spanish grievances make such submission easy and permanent. On the 
other hand, the wandering bands who kill and rob Filipinos as well as 
Americans, who attempt to wreck, and pillage even native trains, and who 
brutally murder their American prisoners when closely pursued, should be 
treated, when captured, not as prisoners of war, but as bandits, to be 
pursued and exterminated like train-wreckers and similar murderous 
robbers in our Western States. This policy is in the interest and for the 
protection of the Filipinos as well as of the Americans. 

While declaring that the Filipino war is over, let us remember that 
it is not over permanently or in truth unless we take advantage of the 
opportunity to remove as far as possible the causes of war. By dis- 
persing the insurgent army we have gained the chance, hitherto lacking, 
to demonstrate to the people of the Philippines the good faith of our 
assurances and the beneficence of our control. Certain Filipino leaders 
have endeavored to seize arbitrary power in the islands for themselves, 
raising the delusive cry of independence. War has determined that their 

ambitions are not to be gratified. But there is nothing in the results of the 
war which alters the attitude of the United States toward the Filipino 
people. The Republic is still bound to correct as far as possible the evils 
of Spanish misrule and to satisfy the reasonable aspirations of the Filipinos 
for better and freer government. 


The Treaty with the Sultan— Problem of Slavery and Polygamy^- 
Sonie Suggestions of Policy— The Grounds for Confidence. 

When the Senate ratified the treaty with Spain we annexed, in addition 
to other acquisitions, a half million followers of Mahomet, a miscellaneous 
assortment of sultans, dattos (chiefs), and their followers, a nineteenth cen- 
tury reproduction of the feudal system which regulates their relation to one 
another, and certain fruitful and beautiful tropical islands which they 

The Sulu Archipelago proper, Mindanao and Palawan (for the exact 
location, size, and population of which see the geographies and the ency- 
clopedias), contain the bulk of the Moros or Mahometan Filipinos. 

The conditions of the problem set for us in this part of the Philippines 
differ widely from those which confront us in Luzon. Here are no insur- 
gents and no friars to vex us; but in their place Mahometan polygamy and 
the semi-slavery of the feudal system promise the possibility of trouble for 
the future. 

Spain's sovereignty here, to which we have succeeded, though fully 
recognized, was exceedingly feeble, and was bolstered up by agreements 
with and concessions to the Moro sultans or dattos, and especially the 
potentate who lives on this island of Jolo. 

The sultan of the Sulu Archipelago claims political and religious juris- 
diction not only over that group of islands, among which he includes Min- 
danao, but also over Palawan and North Borneo. His religious control, as 
representative of the prophet, is more widely recognized than his political 
and military sway. Mindanao, which has sultans of its own, does not recog- 
nize him at all. Palawan also has a sultan. Even in the sultan's own 
island of Jolo there are dattos who, while grudgingly owning allegiance to 
him, like the most powerful of the barons of the middle ages, believe them- 


selves stronger than their liege lord, and quarrel with him, and are entirely- 
ready to fight their nominal superior. The sultan has, however, in the Sulu 
group 120,000 people and 20,000 fighting men, of Mahometan contempt for 
death and of piratical and blood-letting tendency and inclination, who 
would probably respond enthusiastically to his call to arms, especially if a 
holy war were declared; so that, in spite of his troubles as a ruler, he is 
entitled to receive and has received a certain degree of consideration from 
the meddlesome Americans who have intervened so recently and so vigor- 
ously in Asiatic affairs. 


Through the wise diplomacy of General Bates and the tact of officers 
serving under him in dealing with the problem the relations between the 
United States and the Moros are distinctly amicable, and a dangerous 
period in the history of American operations in the Philippines has been 
safely passed. With the Tagalogs on the warpath it was essential that the 
Moros should not become actively hostile. With the Sulu sultan, who had 
expected to succeed to Spanish sovereignty in the Sulu group, and who 
was disappointed and sulky over the advent of the Americans, General 
Bates succeeded in making a written agreement, subject to the approval 
of the President and Congress, renewing several of the features of the 
treaty by which Spanish sovereignty had been recognized. General Bates 
has also given verbal and effectively pacifying assurances to other sultans 
and dattos, as, for example, of religious liberty under American control. 
The Moro idea of a Christian, based on their experience with the Spanish 
pictures a fanatic whose highest aspiration is to cut down the hated Mos- 
lem in the same fashion that their own juramentadoes seek with certain 
confidence the joys of highest heaven through a death achieved while slay- 
ing Christians. A Christian proclaiming religious liberty is inconceivable 
to them and unrecognizable by them. And thus it happened that the Sultan 
of Sulu assured his people that the Americans were not Christians, but 
Presbyterians, and our sovereignty is for the time throughout all of the 
Mahometan Philippines cheerfully accepted. 


A few conclusions, based upon what one sees and hears here, impress 
themselves as obviously reliable, even upon the casual, hasty observer who 
can penetrate but little beneath the surface of things, 


It is evident, for instance, that an agreement with the Sultan of Sulq 
will not suffice to bind in amity more than a fraction of our half million 
Moros in the Philippines, and that rupture of this tentative agreement will 
not be absolutely certain to render hostile more than the same fraction. It 
follows that the simple, verbal understandings reached by General Bates 
and his subordinates with Mindanao Sultans and dattos, and also with some 
of the Sulu dattos, are as valuable in their way and should be followed up 
as carefully as the more elaborate written agreement with the Sulu Sultan, 
which requires the red tape accompaniments of a treaty, is submitted for 
consideration and approval by the senate, and, when approved, becomes a 
binding record fixing the Sultan's treaty-making status. It follows, further, 
that we should cultivate friendly relations and secure and retain strong 
influence over all the Sultans and dattos, not making formal written con- 
ventions with them (unless it is absolutely essential, as appeared to be the 
case in dealing with the Sulu Sultan while the Tagalog revolt was at its 
height), and neither unduly magnifying the latter Sultan to the detriment 
of the other chiefs, with the result of inflaming his vanity and avarice and 
of rendering him doubly difficult to deal with, nor unwisely depreciating 
his religious and political influence, with the result of upturning friendly 
relations and of precipitating hostilities, which, while crushing the Sultan, 
would be bloody and protracted. 

It appears that a discrimination must be made in laws and form of 
government between Moroland and the rest of the Philippines. The con- 
ditions are entirely different in the two sections. Legislation which would 
be wholesome in one would threaten immediate war in the other. 


To withdraw from the southern Philippines and to wash our hands of 
responsibility for the control of them is apparently an impossible alterna- 
tive. If we hold the islands (as we will) we must, however, exercise our 
authority in such a way as to save life and promote happiness on both sides 
of the Pacific and to spread the blessings of civilization in such fashion 
that they do not become curses to our beneficiaries. 

Slavery is hateful to the American idea. Unmistakable slavery, though 
of the mild feudal type, exists in the southern Philippines. Shall we abolish 
it offhand, shedding American blood to reconcile the Moros to what they 
will look upon as confiscation of their property? Or shall we proceed 
cautiously and peaceably to eradicate the evil, perhaps through some 


moderate measure of compensated emancipation, such as that which with 
many safeguards of economy was put in operation by the Dutch in Java? 

Polygamy is antagonistic to American sentiment. It is part of the 
religion of Mahomet and prevails among the comparatively wealthy few 
in our Mahometan islands. Shall we bring on " a holy war " in the 
Philippines by demanding the immediate eradication of polygamy and the 
exodus from the harems of all but wife No. i? Or shall we follow the 
example of exceeding forbearance set by other Christian nations with 
Asiatic and Mahometan dependencies and our own precedent in winking 
for a time at the social customs of the American Indians ? Polygamy is a 
luxury of the rich. Education and contact with civilization will render it 
more and more expensive every year, will steadily increase the discontent 
among the plural wives, and will doubtless gradually abolish the evil of 
many simultaneous wives. 

If we decide that the immediate extirpation of neither slavery nor 
polygamy from the Philippines is worth the shedding of a drop of American 
blood, we may also conclude, with advantage, to go slowly at first in regard 
to the imposition of unaccustomed taxes upon the Moros. An export tax 
in practical effect reduces the price of what they sell ; an import tax is 
made to increase the price of what they buy. The Chinese middleman 
with the duties as a pretext swindles the Moro by making the reduction of 
the selling price and the increase of the buying price respectively much 
more than the amount of the duty in each case. The military authorities 
will doubtless find a way of preventing this imposition. In regard to the 
equities of taxation, it is, of course, to be remembered that American occu- 
pation brings and will continue to bring to the Moros trade, prosperity, cir- 
culation of money, and enlargement of taxpaying capacity, and that the 
islands must as soon as possible produce the revenues necessary to meet 
the expense of their economical government. But it is far more important 
for the immediate present that the Moro should not conceive the idea that 
he is being taxed and oppressed in novel ways to which even the Spaniards 
did not resort, than that funds should be secured for public improvements 
in the Sulu Archipelago, which can well wait that more convenient season 
when all will be quiet in the Philippines. 


Results which Point the Way for JLuzon— natives Recognized— The 
Land Distributed— How Slavery and Polygamy Ceased. 

America's comparative inexperience in dealing intimately with Asiatic 
peoples and in grappling with and mastering for the highest use and benefit 
the conditions of soil and temperature which prevail under a tropical sun 


gives to all the pertinent precedents for the wisest solution of the Philip- 
pine problem an indefinitely multiplied value. 

What the Dutch have well done and ill done in Java — an island not 
much larger than Luzon and inhabited by a people in whom, as in the 
Filipinos, Malay blood predominates — can not fail to furnish both example 
and warning in meeting in the Philippines similar difficulties to those which 
have been solved for good or evil in the beautiful southern island. 

So what the English have well done and ill done in the tropical garden 
of Ceylon and in dealing with the Cinghalese is profitably to be considered 
in deciding what will be wise and beneficial for our own tropical islands and 
the peoples who look to us for guidance and development. 

Batavia, where one lands in Java, is the political and financial capital 
and commercial metropolis. The modern residence city, with low, wide- 
spreading white houses, each setting well back from the broad tree-lined 
street and surrounded by an extensive tropical garden, stretches over a 
vast area, whose surface is further diversified by occasional canals, which 
are an especially notable feature of the old Dutch city. There are sections 
which need only a sprinkling of windmills and cows to suggest Holland. 
Batavia consists of the ancient city, now a business section, reputed to be 
unhealthful, in which are the old stadthuis and other historic structures and 
memorials; Chinese and Arab settlements, and the modern residence city 
already mentioned, which includes numerous attractive suburbs, and which 
is adorned by the usual complement of parks and parade grounds, 
statues, and public buildings, including a fine museum. 


Forty miles inland is the summer capital, Buitenzorg, built among the 
hills at a cool and healthful altitude. Here is the summer residence of the 
governor-general in the finest botanical garden in the Orient, where the 
Dutch (who are noted botanists and gardeners) have worked wonderful 
results from the productive, tropical soil, and have concentrated in a few 
hundred acres a miniature Java, displaying the finest specimens of all 
tropical products. Every Javanese garden is a delight to the botanist, but 
here the luxuriant growths are scientifically classified, and experiments in 
the cultivation of new plants of economic value to the planters of the island 
are made. Here are the tallest kanari trees, arching over the finest ave- 
nues, the largest lotus leaves, groves of tree ferns, avenues of royal palms, 
the banian-like warringen trees, wonderful clusters of bamboo, and the 
greatest profusion of tropical fruits and spices. 

The railroad between Batavia and Buitenzorg traverses a low-lying 
level section of the island, upon which rice and cacao especially are grown. 
It resembles the rice and sugar-growing portion of Luzon north of Manila, 
which is crossed by the railroad to Dagupan. In contrast with the densely 
populated and closely cultivated acres of Java the corresponding section 


of war-stricken Luzon seems now deserted and neglected, but there are the 
same terraced rice fields in both islands, and hundreds of the same gray 
and clumsy water buffalo are everywhere in evidence. 


In comparison with Java, which in 1898 contained 26,000,000 people 
and has now probably passed Belgium as the most densely populated por- 
tion of the world, the Philippines, even in times of peace, are thinly inhab- 
ited. But the men, women and children who swarm in Java, on the streets, 
in the fields, the houses, and the markets, are distinctly of the same race as 
the scantier populations which people the Philippines from Luzon to the 
Sulu archipelago. All are Malays, though they differ in some details of 
dress, in language, and in religion. 

The government of Java employes natives as far as possible in the 
official positions which come into immediate • contact with the native 
population. Every province is divided into regencies, with a native regent 
in nominal charge who receives a monthly salary of from 1,000 to 1,200 
guilders or $400 to $480. The real governor of the regency is the Dutch 
resident, who represents in it the governor-general. Every regency is 
divided into districts, over each of which a native wedana presides, at a 
monthly salary of from 200 to 250 guilders, or from $80 to $100. Assistant 
wedanas have charge of subdistricts, at a monthly salary f rom 100 to 150 
guilders, or from $40 to $60. 

The small annual land tax or rent paid by the Javanese for the govern- 
ment land leased out to them for cultivation is received by a native collector 
called a lurah (a government official) and turned over by him to the wedana, 
the native chief of the district. It often occurs that the cultivator pays his 
annual land tax by giving the lurah a certain proportion of the produce. 
This official turns the goods thus tendered into cash, paying the wedana 
the annual land tax. 

The extent to which the natives are utilized by the Dutch in subordinate 
positions is to be noted ; also the liberal compensation made for the services 
rendered, and the good policy of thus reducing friction by intrusting to 
natives unpopular tasks, like collecting taxes from their own people. The 
regents and wedanas are men of standing and influence in the community, 
and through them the Dutch exercise unlimited control over the natives. 
The Spanish in Luzon destroyed the petty native rulers and substituted in 
their stead Spain's rule. They also, under the Maura municipal govern- 
ment law of 1893, utilized the natives in many of the same functions 
intrusted to them by the Dutch ; but while the latter with these offices con- 
ferred high honor and a salary, the Spanish imposed unpaid and obligatory 
positions upon unwilling recipients, many of whom were financially ruined 
through holding an office which they could not safely refuse. This small 
difference of detail caused the Spanish policy in this matter to increase the 
native's detestation of his rulers, while the policy of the Dutch wonderfully 
strengthens their hold upon the Javanese. 


The Javanese are nominally all Mahometans. Polygamy has alwayr 
prevailed among them, but outside of Djokia and Solo there are few poly- 
gamists, except among the very rich. The luxury is too expensive. There 
is no challenge to arouse their fanaticism over polygamy as an article of 
faith by the Dutch Government, which leaves their religion and everything 
which in any shape is connected with it severely alone. 

The same kind of slavery prevailed in Java as now exists in the southern 
Philippines until abolished by edict shortly before our civil war. Compen- 
sation was provided to the owners of the emancipated slaves in the following 
amounts, expressed in guilders, a guilder being about 40 cents : 

Slave under 10, 50 to 120 guilders ; between 10 and 20, 100 to 220 
guilders ; between 20 and 30, 150 to 350 guilders ; between 30 and 40, 125 
to 300 guilders ; between 40 and 50, 100 to 200 guilders ; above 50, 40 to 100 

But such limiting and restricting conditions were attached that very 
little money was paid for this compensation. For instance, a registration 
of slaves had been ordered ; but a great part had not been registered. The 
Government would only pay for slaves registered, and would not pay for 
those suffering from any permanent disease (as leprosy), nor for escaped 
slaves longer than three months after date of the edict, nor for slaves con- 
demned to forced work (convicts), nor f or slaves on which on January 1, 1859, 
taxes had not been paid for four years. 

In most cases, while the edict nominally freed the slave, the latter con- 
tinued to the end of his days in practically the same relation of feudal 
servitude to his master. But with the growth of the new generation the law 
gradually became operative and slavery was ended. 


They Do in Java— They May in the Philippines— Their Historian 
Defends Them— Spanish Oppression Destroyed Industry. 

The record of Java throws light on a syllogism which is supposed to 
have an obvious and practical bearing upon the labor problem in the 
Philippines: " Malays will not work ; Filipinos are Malays; Filipinos will 
not work." 

The generalization that Malays will not work is reached by calling 
Malays who will work by some other name and attaching to the title only 
the characteristics of the worthless remnant. There is a Malaysian archi- 
pelago as well as a Malaysian peninsula, and the bulk of the Filipinos may 
turn out to be Malays after the order of those who live and labor in Java 
and not in the class of the Malay loafers of the Straits Settlements, 


A like hasty generalization ascribes to the Chinaman, universally, in 
contrast with the Malay, the attributes of industry, commercial probity, and 
capacity to labor effectively anywhere, unaffected by fatigue, tropical heat, 
and disease germs. This generalization lumps indiscriminately the myriads 
of Chinese water rats and ex-pirates, and the millions in whom decades of 
official robbery and oppression have ingrained untruthfulness and deceit 
with the comparatively small commercial class, in whom training has made 
business honesty instinctive, and with the coolie, who may be either lying 
or truthful, but who has developed in the school of hard necessity into per- 
haps the most effective and least expensive human laboring machine in the 

The disposition among all men in the languor-breeding tropics is to 
work only as necessity requires, which in favored sections, if one's wants 
are few, is very little, nature supplying freely the means of supporting life. 

There are also differences in the aptitudes and inclinations of the 
different tropical people as to the kind of life-supporting labor to which 
they will have recourse when forced by necessity to work. One will culti- 
vate the soil, another will draw his food from the sea with the hook or net, 
and another will hire the service of his muscles in exchange for food or the 
money with which to buy food. 

But the record of Java shows that the Malay under pressure can occupy 
satisfactorily every field of labor and can develop a tropical garden which 
is the admiration and delight of every visitor and which supports well one 
of the densest populations on the face of the globe. 

Ramon Lala defends his countrymen against the charge of indolence 
other than lassitude which is bred in everyone, Europeans included, by the 
tropical heat. 


In explanation of the Filipinos' apparent laziness he says: 

"Deprived by the Spaniards from all active participation in the affairs 
of government, and robbed of the fruits of industry, all incentive to 
advancement and progress was taken away. He therefore yields with 
composure to the crushing conditions of his environment, preferring 
the lazy joys of indolence rather than labor for the benefit of his 
oppressors. * * * 

" In the more civilized districts where modern and humane business 
methods prevail hundreds of thousands are employed to the profit both of 
themselves and their employers." 

Unwillingness ^to work without pay in advance, which is sometimes 
cited as rendering unsatisfactory the Filipino laborer, is pronounced by 
Lala to be '* undoubtedly the result of generations of Spanish robbery, 
where these people were forced to labor for their employers — frequently 
the priests — having no reward save the lash or promises of a golden crown 
in heaven." 


If Lala's diagnosis of the case is accurate, it is easy to see how, with- 
out any great trouble, we can largely increase the Filipino's working 
efficiency by supplying the incentive of full security to life and property 
and the enjoyment of the fruits of his toil. 

In the Philippines, which extend from the northern edge of the tropics 
to a point less than 5 degrees from the equator and include a vast variety 
of soils, of altitudes, and of temperatures, which work out varying results 
upon the men who live subject to their environment, a diversity in the 
human products as well as in the fruits of the soil is naturally expected 
and realized. Not all the Filipinos will labor in the same way, and some 
will not work at all. But if we must generalize let us say, and make it 
good, that the Filipinos in general will work, like the Javanese; not binding 
ourselves by this generalization to force the Filipinos to the total exclusion 
of other peoples into occupations for which they are conspicuously unfitted 
— without guaranteeing, for instance, that a Mabini or an Aguinaldo would 
make an efficient wharf coolie, or that an ex-pirate follower of the Sultan 
of Sulu would prove a reliable comprador or a model house servant. 


Wise Handling of the Public lands— The Ophir of the Ancients— 
Natives in the Offices— Luzon May Equal It. 

Ceylon lies approximately between 6 and 9 degrees north of the 
equator; Java between 6 and 9 degrees south of the equator. The wet and 
dry seasons in the two islands do not coincide, though both claim to be 
always wet, if sometimes wetter. Ceylon, however, in March, when I 
visited it, was suffering prolonged drouth in its hottest month, during the 
interval between the two monsoons which bring it rain, and failed to dis- 
play the overflowing richness of tropical vegetation which was in evidence 
in Java during the rainy season in February. The plantation and labor 
exhibits of the island seem on a smaller scale than those of Java, which is 
twice the size of Ceylon and has eight times its population. With these 
limitations the effect produced upon the observer by Ceylon is similar to 
that which has been noted in the case of Java. Both islands are beautiful 
tropical gardens, cultivated to the highest degree, and displaying intense 
human industry directed by the keenest intelligence. 

Colombo, the seaport and metropolis, with its excellent hotels, fine 
drives, and attractive shops, corresponds to Batavia. Kandy, hidden in 
tropical foliage, 75 miles away in the hills, beautifully and healthfully 
located, represents Buitenzorg. Even the counterpart of the latter's 


famous botanical gardens is found at Peradenya, near Kandy. In moun- 
tain sanitariums there is Nuwera Eliya in Ceylon to offset the Sindanglaya 
and Tosari in Java. The ruins of the ancient Buddhist city of Anurad- 
hapura in Ceylon tell the same story of an ancient and superior civilization 
once flourishing in that island which is proclaimed concerning Java by 
Boro-Boedor and Brambanan. The mountain and valley scenery and the 
tropical vegetation seen on the trip from Colombo to Nuwera Eliya are to 
be compared with those observed in Java. 

Terraced rice fields, extensive tea plantations, a small showing of 
coffee, bananas, palms, and bamboo are conspicuous in the vegetation of 
both islands, and even the same peculiar red earth is to be seen. 


Ceylon, with its rubies, sapphires, amethysts, and other precious stones, 
its elephants, its cinnamon and other spices, is believed to be the Ophir of 
the ancients. 

It is estimated that' about 800,000 acres of land (say 600,000 suitable 
for hill-country products, tea, cinchona, coffee, etc., and pasturage, and 
200,000 lower down for tea, cocoa as well as cocoanuts, and cinnamon) are 
held by European planters, against nearly three times this aggregate held 
by natives. 

It is estimated that the total area of the island which may be cultivated 
is from five to five and one-half million acres, of which from two and one- 
half to three and one-half million acres, according to varying estimates, are 
under cultivation. Thus there are approximately 2,000,000 acres of land in 
Ceylon still held by the government which may be taken up and cultivated. 

Though the government did not become a direct cultivator of the land, 
through a series of active and intelligent governors-general and other offi- 
cials it co-operated heartily with the large individual land-owners in devel- 
oping the agricultural resources of the island. 

The British planters in Ceylon have associated themselves to experi- 
ment and investigate in order to work their property to the best advantage, 
and through their intelligent and co-operative labors much has been done 
for the development and prosperity of the island. When blight had 
destroyed the coffee plants, which were their main product, and Ceylon's 
resources seemed exhausted and the island threatened with bankruptcy, 
they abandoned coffee, revolutionized the agriculture of the island, substi- 
tuted tea, and pushed the new experimental product with tremendous 
vigor, with the result of rehabilitating the island financially and introduc- 
ing an era of renewed prosperity. 

The Cinghalese are free from famines and epidemics, industrious and 
well-employed. They are apparently prosperous and happy in spite of the 
habit of growling, which may be accepted as evidence of the extent to 
which they have been Anglicised, 


Ceylon as a colony pays ; that is, its receipts readily meet its expendi- 
tures, and its possession, instead of involving any drain on the imperial 
treasury, is a financial gain to England. 

Though it contains 3,000,000 of Asiatics, its affairs are so well regulated 
and its docile population has so little real cause for discontent that a single 
regiment constitutes Great Britain's military representation on the island. 
The force in Ceylon in 1898 was composed of 1,483 Europeans and 238 
natives. There is also a volunteer regiment, paid for by the island, which 
in 1898 numbered nearly 1,100, including officers, made up of British-born 
Eurasians, Malays, Tamils, Cinghalese, and others, and a police force of 
1,600 men, of whom only 42 are Europeans. 

The English in Ceylon, as in India, have respected the rights, tradi- 
tions, and religions of the natives, and have increased local prosperity, 
while expanding imperial trade by creating extensive public works, which 
have developed to the utmost the resources of the colonies. India imports 
more from Great Britain than any nation of the world, and stands third in 
exports, being surpassed (1895) only by the United States and France. 

The lessons taught by India are many and valuable, but when I 
traveled through it in the spring it was cursed with famine, plague, cholera, 
smallpox, dust and heat, and its external appearance and the condition of 
its people forbade its use as a shining example of a prosperous and 
obviously well-managed colony. Attractive Ceylon furnished much greater 
inspiration to the study and emulation of British colonial methods. 

The English policy in respect to the education of the natives, which 
includes teaching them systematically the English language, is clearly, as 
I have already said, that which the United States should adopt, rather than 
the Spanish and old Dutch policies of forbidding the natives instruction in 
the language of the dominating whites and of keeping them ignorant in 
order that they might continue docile. There is a confession involved in 
the abandonment by the Dutch of this policy. 


The geographical position of the Philippines is such as to give to the 
islands a wonderful variety of climates and temperatures and a correspond- 
ing diversity in products. Their greatest dimension is along the north and 
south line. They stretch from near the northern edge of the torrid zone at 
21 degrees north latitude for more than a thousand miles to a latitude less 
than 5 degrees from the equator. Luzon covers nearly twice as many 
degrees of latitude as the larger Java, which stretches east and west. It is 
also farther from the equator, and approaching as it does to the edge of the 
temperate zone, through the addition of the low temperature contributed by 
the altitudes attained by its hills and mountains it has a wide range of 
products — from rice, sugar and coffee to tobacco and hemp, from tropical 


growths to many which flourish in the temperate zone. It is located in the 
same volcano belt with Java, and its soil on this account displays the same 
extraordinary fertility and productiveness. It has as large a percentage of 
arable land and as favorable conditions of sun and rain, and, as stated, it 
is fitted by nature to produce a wider diversity of crops than either Java or 
Ceylon. There is no reason why Luzon should not be developed into a 
tropical garden, highly and scientifically cultivated like Java and Ceylon, 
just as beautiful to the eye, just as prosperous and profitable commerciaUy, 
with people at least as well governed and just as well fed and content. 


How They Became Extinct in Java and Ceylon— The Policy of Mutual 
Interests— Good Roads as a Factor. 

On other points of doubt in our Philippines problem besides the vital 
ones of land and labor, Java and Ceylon speak with equal distinctness. 
Concerning Mahometan polygamy they say: Ignore it; permit it to die 
out naturally, as a barbarous and costly luxury. Concerning slavery of the 
mild type that prevails in the Philippines they say: While not countenanc- 
ing it (and never forgetting that the Constitution does not permit it to exist), 
do not be impatient if its complete abolition is not accomplished in twenty 
minutes. "Britons can never be slaves," and "the slave's fetters drop from 
him as soon as he passes under the British flag." Yet Ceylon was fifteen 
years a British possession before the abolition of slavery was proclaimed, 
and another fifteen years and a legislative enactment were required to make 
the proclamation effective. The suggestion of compensated emancipation 
in General Bates' agreement with the Sultan of Sulu is in line with the 
precedents. Both Java and Ceylon offered to compensate the slave owners, 
though in both cases, for the reasons stated, they managed to accomplish 
emancipation with the payment of very little cash. I was told by a British 
official in Singapore that at the present time through compensated emanci- 
pation England is slowly making Britons (who can never be slaves) of a 
section of the population of Zanzibar. 


Java and Ceylon not only advise the most considerate treatment of the 
natives in all relations with them — protection of their means of support and 
their employment wherever possible in civil official positions — but also give 
a hint concerning the extent to which they can be safely utilized in the mil- 
itary force as auxiliaries. Two-thirds of the Dutch army in Netherlands- 
India are natives, The single imperial regiment in Ceylon has over 200 


natives associated with it, and by its side is a volunteer regiment of Ceylon 
Asiatics. (Spain, prior to the last insurrection, maintained inthe Philippines 
a civil guard numbering 3,482 and an army of 13,291, of whom only 2,210 were 
Europeans.) Exclusively European officers are employed as a natural 
safeguard, and as a similar precaution native troops are stationed elsewhere 
than in their home province. Java and Ceylon suggest for the Philippines, 
after the islands are quieted and on a genuine peace footing, the extensive 
use of natives as auxiliaries, with American officers, and with Tagalog and 
Visayan soldiers stationed in the southern Philippines and Moro soldiers in 
the Tagalog and Visayan islands. The good policy of the immediate use 
of native troops, on the same basis as the Macabebes, arming them at first, 
perhaps, with an inferior rifle using different ammunition from the Regular 
Army supply and difficult to replenish by deserters, has been strongly urged 
in conversation with me by several capable army officers. 


The teaching of the Dutch and English policies in the Java and Ceylon 
of to-day is that American welfare and that of the Filipinos coincide and 
are promoted together ; that whatever advances the material interests of 
the Philippines will benefit the Republic also, and that the nation can not 
permanently and with success selfishly separate its interests from those of 
the islands, but must profit by sharing in the local prosperity, which in co- 
operation with the Filipinos it will create and develop. 

At every step of the present stage of Luzon's development the expe- 
rience of Ceylon and Java will repay study. 

If the uses to which the precedents of the Dutch and English islands 
may be put, superficially suggested by me, are systematically and thor- 
oughly developed, Java and Ceylon may hold a lantern to guide Luzon's 
footsteps in safety over many a dark and difficult path. 

The development of Java and Ceylon is due largely to the network of 
railroads and connected highways — broad, hard, smooth roads — which cover 
the surface of the island, and are gradually opening up every nook and 
corner. In this important work the government can, directly or indirectly, 
most effectively co-operate. The extensive railroad and highway system in 
Java has been already touched upon. Incomparatively small Ceylon there 
were over 297 miles of railroad open in 1896, the construction of 71 miles in 
addition had been sanctioned, extensions of 152 miles had been surveyed, 
reported on, and recommended to the secretary of state, extensions of 130 
miles had been roughly surveyed and estimated, and of 50 additional miles 
projected. The planters are urging the construction of other lines, aggre- 
gating 260 miles, including one which will give direct communication with 
India by way of Adam's Reef. The government operates and extends the 
railroad system at a profit. The net earnings of 1896 were 3,690,042 rupees. 
There has been a profit every year of the government's control except the 
first two, 1865 and 1866. 


The same vigor is shown in the extension of roads. In i8q6, 1,239,800 
rupees were spent upon 3,492 miles of road. Since 1883 an average of a 
million rupees a year has been spent on highways. Between that year and 
1896 nearly a thousand miles have been added to the highly improved 
(metalled) roads. The system has also the benefit of a thoroughfares 
ordinance, imposing a poll tax, under which 635,002 persons were enrolled 
in Ceylon in 1896 as liable to perform labor. 

Before Luzon's resources can be equally developed it must be blessed 
with railroads and highways like those of Java and Ceylon. Its harbors 
along the sea and its interior waterways give it a start in facilities of com- 
munication. But its 120 miles of railroad must be multiplied, and it must 
be opened up everywhere by a system of good roads in place of its present 
wretched apologies for such highways. The municipalities of Luzon have 
not availed themselves of the permission granted by law to levy a tax on 
real estate for the construction of highways and other public improvements, 
and there are few worse roads to be found anywhere. Both in Java and 
Ceylon a poll tax, involving the liability to do unpaid work for the public, 
is imposed as a substitute for the old system of compulsory labor. So in 
Luzon every adult male Filipino, with certain exceptions, was under obliga- 
tion to give to the State fifteen days' labor a year or commute the service by 
money. But much of the fund thus collected was diverted from its legiti- 
mate purpose, and the road work done by individual Filipinos was not 
systematically and effectively utilized, and from its haphazard application 
was practically wasted. Through the authorized municipal tax and through 
judicious use of the unpaid workmen, commuting their poll tax, Luzon 
should readily equip itself with a system of good roads, a monument to 
compulsory human labor which will bless the workmen. 


The Territorial Class— Cases of Compulsory Education— For the 
Good of the Governed— Alaska and the Philippines. 

The Philippines enter at the foot of Uncle Sam's primary class in 
republicanism and self-government. At the head of the class stand 
organized territories like New Mexico; in the middle are Hawaii, the Dis- 
strict of Columbia, Alaska and Porto Rico. They are all in the same class 
because the ultimate government of them lies in a body outside of them- 
selves in which they are not represented and in whose acts they do not 
participate. A territorial delegate, unrecognized by the Constitution and 
voteless, is not a part of Congress, does not constitute representation in 


Congress, and is merely a petitioning agent of the territory, with the privi- 
leges of the floor of the national legislature. The actual status of the terri- 
tory in its relation to the Union does not turn upon the possession or non- 
possession of a delegate, or of any privilege granted by a legislature in 
which it is not represented. If any territory is in slavery all are slaves, 
notwithstanding variations in the number and weight of their respective 

It is an honor to be entered in the republic's school, even in the primary 
class and at its foot. No one who understands what the Filipinos have 
gained in escaping to Uncle Sam's premises from Spanish monastic rule, 
from the bloody dictatorship of Aguinaldo, from anarchy, cr from the 
threatened blood-and-iron domination of a European military despotism, 
has any tears to shed over the alleged unhappy lot of the people of the 

To be a territorial citizen of the United States is to enjoy a dignity less 
only than that of being a state citizen or a national citizen of the United 


Injustice to Uncle Sam and deception of this newcomer to his own 
injury are involved in the efforts which have been made to foster discon- 
tent in the republic's latest pupil, and to convince him that he is the victim 
of outrageously unfair treatment. He is taunted with entering the national 
kindergarten under compulsion, and with being humiliated and degraded 
among his associates by this neglect to secure his consent. 

In establishing the jurisdiction of Congress over the Philippines as 
territory belonging to the United States the same " consent of the governed" 
will have been obtained from the Filipinos as was secured from the inhabi- 
tants of the land contained in the Louisiana purchase, of Florida when 
annexed, of the territory conquered and purchased from Mexico, of Alaska, 
and from the Indians who were the first occupants of the original thirteen 
states. The same consent to government by Congress which the District 
of Columbia and Alaska now give will be given by the Filipinos. In all of 
these cases the benefits of the proposed government are held to be so 
obvious that the consent of the governed is assumed. Forcible resistance, 
contradicting this assumption, is immaterial. Nevertheless and notwith- 
standing and in accordance with the precedents the consent of the 
rebellious Tagalogs to government by the United States will be presumed, 
as was that of the people of the south after the civil war, and that of the 
rebelling Mexicans in California and New Mexico after our acquisition of 
that territory. 

It appears that all the members of Uncle Sam's primary class were 
entered therein without their consent, and that there is at least nothing 
peculiar or discriminating in the course pursued toward the Filipinos. 


In the case of both Alaska and the Philippines the republic's under- 
taking is to furnish a government for the territory without participation by 
the people therein until the time when the population shall become fitted 
in numbers and character to take part in the government. If that time 
never arrives, then the territory will continue indefinitelywithout direct 
participation in the government of the republic. When Alaska was annexed 
there was no more reason, than in the case of the Philippines, to expect that 
it would ever acquire sufficient population, of the kind entitled to repre- 
sentation in Congress, to enable states of the Union to be carved from it. 
The objects sought in the annexation were national; the local interest and 
the Alaskan's rights under the Constitution were not at all considered. 

If the Constitution was not smashed into fragments by the annexation 
of non-contiguous Alaska without the consent of the Alaskans, and by 
American government of Alaska without participation therein of the 
Alaskans, then the Constitution is uninjured by a similar annexation of the 
non-consenting Philippines and their government by the United States 
without Filipino participation. 

There are more Filipinos than Alaskans, but the constitutional ques- 
tion cannot turn on the numbers of persons involved. The Constitution is 
as badly shattered in principle by the purchase and governing without their 
consent of a hundred Alaskans as of a thousand Filipinos. 

The people of the temperate zones cannot live and labor to advantage 
either nei.r the pole or under the equator. For sound national reasons, 
distinct from the desire to form new states of the Union, we have annexed 
a large slice (580,000 square miles) of the arctic regions, with the white and 
red men who inhabit it, and now a small slice (114,000 square miles) of the 
tropics peopled by yellow and black men. 


We will hold and govern both, not, for the present at least, as an integ- 
ral part of the union of states, but on American principles, in the manner 
best adapted to their conditions, and promoting to the fullest extent the 
welfare of their inhabitants and of the republic as a whole. 

Though there is not the slightest promise of immediate action in the 
direction of so wise and equitable a policy, the District of Columbia, with 
increase of its permanent resident population, may some day, without 
necessarily losing its status as national territory governed directly by Con- 
gress, be permitted to enjoy the privilege of participation in the national 
councils as a quasi-state. The discovery of gold in Alaska and the rush of 
population toward it give some slight promise of similar privileges in time 
to that region, which would have appeared impossible and preposterous if 
suggested concerning it when it was purchased. The Philippines seem 

hopeless how as the seat of future states. I do not believe that the islands 
will ever be states of the Union. But in the light of the prospect of the 
happening of the impossible in Alaska, who will venture to predict with 
confidence on the subject? 

But if the Philippines never graduate from the primary class in self- 
government during the existence of the republic, and the archipelago is 
left in time as the sole member thereof through the promotion of its class- 
mates, it will nevertheless have been during the entire period of tutelage 
far better governed, more prosperous, more peaceful, more content and 
more free than under any alternative form of government which is among 
the reasonable possibilities of its future. 


The Bright Future of Manila-Some Things Xeeded— Variety in Sur- 
roundings—Possibilities of Development, 

Manila will grow in wealth, population, and commercial importance, 
not merely in proportion to the development of the Philippines, but corre- 
sponding to the increase of American trade in the Pacific, and especially 
with China, for which it will naturally be the principal distributing point, 
With the opening of an isthmian canal under American control, with the 
laying of necessary American cables in the Pacific, with the creation of an 
American merchant marine, and with the sincere application of the princi- 
ples of the merit system to our foreign consular and diplomatic service, 
and especially to the delicate task of governing the Philippines, tha 
desired result of American supremacy in Pacific trade will be attained, and 
Manila will wrest the commercial scepter from the strongest and most 
prosperous of her competitors among Asiatic cities. 

Manila possesses some features of unique interest. It can show to the 
tourist a Spanish walled city of the middle ages, with moat and bastions, 
fort and dungeons, and with palaces, churches, and residences of Spanish 
architecture and suggesting nothing else than a Spanish town. There will 
not be seen anywhere a greater mixture of races than in Binondo, the cos- 
mopolitan, modern, business section of Manila, where Asia, Europe. 
America, Africa, and Australia come together. Tobacco factories furnish 
Asiatic rivals in interest to those of Seville and Habana. Native markets 
supply scenes of unique interest to the European or American. When 
"this cruel war is over" and a period of peaceful development follows the 
series of struggles which have cursed Luzon and checked progress in 
Manila, the fine gardens about the handsome residences of Manila, now in 
many cases neglected, will blossom and bloom in tropical luxuriance. A 
fraction of the intelligent care bestowed en its vegetation by Honolulu 
(which lies on the dry side of Oahu) will render Manila a tropical paradise. 



Among the city's conspicuous needs are one or more carefully man- 
aged, clean, and comfortable American hotels. A strong national bank, 
with American correspondents in the great cities of Asia, is as necessary to 
Manila as it is for the reaping of the full benefits by Americans of the 
vastly increased trade with Asia, which the United States is to enjoy. The 
bankers are the money-makers of Asia. We must create and use our own 
merchant marine and our own banking system in the competition for 
Asiatic trade. It must not be permitted that the American shall continue 
to find his gold dollar worth less in silver in the banks of Manila than in 
the banks of any other large Asiatic city. 

Manila bay is much too large for a safe harbor at certain seasons of the 
year. A perfected harbor improvement, such as that which has buiit up 
Colombo, is much to be desired. Botanical and culture gardens like those 
of Buitenzorg, Peradenya, Calcutta, Penang, and Singapore are to be 
fostered in Manila, not only, as already pointed out, for a useful, practical 
economic purpose in the highest development of the agricultural resources 
and capabilities of the island, but also as providing an attractive park and 
breathing place, both for resident and tourist visitor. 

The botanical gardens and the water-works reservoir, beautiful as at 
Singapore, should add new drives to that provided along the water's edge 
outside the walled city by the famous Luneta. 

Manila has close at hand and soon to be in quick communication with 
it a wonderful variety of sites suitable for sanatoriums. Mountains, hills 
and lakes are in the immediate vicinity. At the mouth of Manila Bay lies 
mountainous Corregidor, demonstrated through its use by our army for 
hospital purposes to be always cool and healthful, the ideal site of a sum- 
mer resort, which mingles in desirable proportions the atmosphere of the 
hills and of the sea. Within easy reach farther in the interior are 
picturesque mountain towns, like Majajay, with the waterfall of Botocan, 
600 feet high and 60 feet wide, as an additional attraction. A 20-mile 
ride in any direction from Manila will give any required tempera- 
ture, any desired mixture of sea and mountain air. In his suburban 
residence the business man of the Manila of the future will be able 
to sleep, after an hour's railroad ride from the city, in a tempera- 
ture of 40 F. Cool and healthful spots may also be found close at hand 
and easily accessible through the Pasig, fringing the great basin of 
Laguna de Bay. 


Forty-five miles south of Manila is Lake Bombon, with a most inter- 
esting smoking volcano, Taal, on an island in its center. South Luzon 
boasts two other volcanoes, Bulusan and Mayon, the latter 8,900 feet high. 
This Luzon Vesuvius is next to Apo in Mindanao (over 10,000 feet in 


height), the highest mountain in the Philippines. (America boasts the 
highest mountain in the Pacific Ocean in Mauna Kea, on Hawaii, 13,805 
feet high.) A funicular road to Mayon's crater, may reasonably be 
expected. There are also sulphur springs to add to the attractions of 
Mayon. The tobacco-growing region of North Luzon, with its great river, 
the largest in Luzon, and its mountains and hills, has not yet been 
developed as to its sanatorium capabilities, but the whole region lies in the 
coolest latitudes attainable in the Philippines, the altitude of its mountains 
is considerable, its scenery is magnificent, and in connection with the 
development of Aparri, at the mouth of the Cagayan, into a city of great 
commercial importance from its location and as the nearest point in 
Luzon to San Francisco, to Honolulu, to Hongkong, and to Japan, there 
will doubtless be found an abundance of convenient health resorts there to 
refresh the weary citizens. 

The mountain region of Benguet, in North Luzon, lies at a general 
elevation of 4,000 feet above the sea level, and has some peaks 7,000 feet 
high. It is said to be always cool and comfortable, with pure air and fine 
water. The Spanish planned to build a sanatorium there. In the winter 
season there is frost and sometimes snow and ice. In the warm season the 
average temperature is about 65 degrees Fahrenheit; and in winter the 
mercury goes down to about freezing point. The province is also rich in 
mineral springs, carrying sulphur and iron especially. Tea and coffee, 
apples and other fruits of the temperate zone grow well there. Gold is 
found in the Benguet district. A mountain railway connecting by a short 
level line with Dagupan would enable one to reach Benguet from Manila 
in twelve hours. 

A steamer ride of 14 miles up the Pasig River from Manila brings one 
to Laguna de Bay, the largest body of fresh water in the Philippines, 25 
miles long by 21 miles broad. Its eastern shore line rises in mountains 
and at one of its southern ports some famous hot springs issue. 


How to Govern-lfot Shall We Abandon— Wise Discriminating Xjaws 
—Flexibility Vital. 

I do not intend to discuss the constitutional question or to attempt to 
forecast the Supreme Court's decision upon it, but if the welfare of the 
parties in interest, both Filipinos and Americans, is to be considered in the 
matter, the United States will not be held to include the Philippines either 
for the purposes of uniformity in duties or for conferring upon the Filipinos 
indiscriminately national citizenship. 


In the discussion of this matter the dangers to American industries 
and interests have been thoroughly considered, but not enough attention 
has been paid to the injury with which the Filipinos are threatened. 

To extend the Dingley law to the islands would, to cite for example a 
single important item, increase the duty on rice (the Filipino's bread) a 
thousand per cent over the Spanish rate. It would work disaster, discon- 
tent, and probable riots in the northern and central Philippines and certain 
bloodshed in Moroland, whose people, unaccustomed to taxation, were 
worked up almost to the point of revolt by our attempt to collect the com- 
paratively light duties exacted by the Spanish law in Luzon and the 
Visayan Islands. 

Under the treaty ceding Louisiana at the beginning of the century and 
under the first congressional legislation concerning Hawaii at the century's 
end the duties to be paid in these possessions were not uniform with those 
exacted in the United States. If the uniformity provision of the Constitu- 
tion did not apply to this territory of the United States from the moment of 
annexation, it does not apply to the Philippines. If Congress could speci- 
fically authorize the collection of Hawaiian duties in Hawaii instead of the 
rates imposed by the Dingley law and could continue these non-uniform 
rates until it was ready in its wisdom to extend the American tariff with an 
organized territorial government to these islands, then the same course may 
constitutionally be pursued in respect to the Philippines. And for this con- 
siderate treatment petitioning Filipinos should ever pray. 


Full national citizenship would be a burden upon the mass of Filipinos, 
and conferring it would tend to deteriorate and discredit that citizenship. 

In handling this branch of the Philippine problem we should treat 
national citizenship as a precious thing, not to be lightly conferred, not to 
be imposed where it would become an unbearable burden. The injunction 
not to cast pearls before swine not only warns the pearl owner against 
wasteful extravagance, but recognizes that swine are not for their own wel- 
fare to be fed on pearls. 

The interests and welfare of the Filipinos themselves demand this 
treatment, in order that there may be a considerate flexibility in the govern- 
ment and laws applied to them which would be impossible if the islands, as 
an integral part of the United States, were subjected to the constitutional 
limitation concerning uniformity of duties and the other restrictive provisions 
applicable to the states of the Union. 


The Pliilipjjines Relation to It— Uncle Sam Plants a, HeaA'y Fooi on 

the Threshold. 

The Philippines not only hold out promise of vast direct commerce 
like that which Netherlands-India has furnished to Holland, but in con- 
nection with the Hawaiian Islands, Guam, Tutuila, Alaska and the Aleutian 
Islands they place the republic in such relations of proximity and intimate 
touch with Asia, and in such a commanding position from the naval and 
military standpoint that its rights as a Pacific power, commercial or other- 
wise, are sure to be respected. 

With England and Japan the United States desires open ports in Asia. 
It stands with them against the dismemberment of China and for equality 
of trade. 

Every diplomatic and consular officer of the United States in Asia, 
every individual American there, whether merchant, missionary or con- 
cession seeker is more respected and safer in his rights as a result of the 
possession of the Philippines and of the events which led up to it. Even 
the powers of Europe recognize our increased prestige in Asiatic affairs, 
and comply as they would not have dreamed of doing two years ago with 
our request for pledges of scrupulous observance of the treaty rights of the 
United States in the sections of China leased to foreign powers. 

The weak and corrupt central government of China is pushed and 
pulled this way and that by the representatives of the European powers at 
Pekin, and has little control over the vast population and immense areas of 
the celestial empire. There is no spirit of nationality or patriotic loyalty 
permeating the people. North and South China provinces speak different 
dialects and hate one another cordially and to the murder point. The 
Chinese detest the Tartar soldiers of the Manchu government at Pekin and 
the sentiment is reciprocated. 

The beginnings of a wonderful American trade with this people have 
been made. They are fast learning, for instance, to use our flour and our 
cotton goods. Southern cotton and western wheat, after passing through 
American mills, find here entrance to an unlimited market. 


Existing conditions in China make eternal vigilance and decisive 
action the price of trade retention. Our merchants, no less than our mis- 
sionaries, need ready and prompt protection, and against the maneuvers of 
foreign powers at Pekin no less than against the rioting secret societies, 
rendered doubly dangerous by the weakness and personal apprehensions of 
the Chinese governing clique. 

In China even in commercial affairs and in trade concessions the physi- 
cal power to hold what has been granted or won by untiring and intelligent 


energy is essential to its retention, and the people of the impotent nation in 
the clash of conflicting interests inevitably go to the wall. 

Through possession of the Philippines the United States has now a trad- 
ing emporium, an army and a navy at the very door of China. In combina- 
tion of land and naval forces quickly available we are to-day not lower 
than the third power in Asia; and when American lives are threatened or 
attacked by Boxers or any other Asiatics, and when our commercial hold- 
ings in Asia are menaced from any quarter, the value of Manila as a safe- 
guard of American interests is and will be demonstrated more and more 

Occupancy of the Philippines increases our chances of retaining our 
present trade in China and of vastly enlarging it, and tends to prevent the 
closing of the open Chinese door in European spheres of influence, the 
forcible annexation of the previously leased sections and the inevitably 
resulting dismemberment of the Chinese empire, accompanied by interna- 
tional war. 

Thus the Philippines are a valuable asset for the purpose of tropical 
commerce in themselves, with their vast area of rich and productive acres; 
they are a serviceable asset for bargaining for reciprocal open doors with 
other powers in the Orient; and they are an important factor in the fight for 
the vast trade of the Asiatic continent, since by means of them Uncle Sam 
plants a heavy foot across the threshold of the open door in China, and 
will perhaps prevent it from being closed. 


By Hon. Cushman K. Davis, United States Senator, 

of Minnesota. 

It is tritely said, and as often denied, that the stability of the Republic is 
involved in each pending- national election. There is more than a grain of 
truth in this hackneyed assertion. In a free government every moment is 
fraught with progressive or retrograde tendencies and the strain of these con- 
tending forces often tests severely the endurance of political institutions. The 
subject of our destiny is therefore a proper one for earnest consideration. 

This campaign is portentous. Others have been conducted on a few- 
issues, economic or moral. In this one the Democratic party and its candidate 
demand the reversal of every policy, domestic and foreign, monetary, financial, 
protective and expansive, which has made the administration of President 
McKinley one of the most glorious in our history, by the splendor of its naval 
and military achievements, by its revival of dying industries, by its financial 
legislation, by its making the United States the first money power in the world, 
by its extension of our sovereignty, and by our advancement to the very fore- 
front of international influence. 

Attack on our Achievements. 

The measures and policies which have wrought these imposing- political 
results are severally and respectively condemned, either in themselves or in 
their just consequences, and their abrogation is demanded by the declaration of 
Democratic principles made at Kansas City. 

This declaration does not denounce the administration of President McKin- 
ley for its failures. It condemns it for its achievements. It declares them to be 
destructive of true prosperity and subversive of our institutions. It demands 
that the gold standard shall be abolished, and that protection to American 
industry shall cease. 

Want the Flag Lowered. 

For the first time the sovereignty of the United States over territory held by 
an unquestionable title is to be abandoned and the flag lowered and that, too, 
in capitulation to a flagrant insurrection against its authority — all this, and 
more than than this, is demanded by the Democratic party as a reason for its 
investiture with power and is promised to the American people in case power is 
g-iven to do it. Such demands, such promises, such threats, such consequences 
will receive the most considerate condemnation of the people. 

No Democratic platform, no Democratic speaker expresses any satisfaction 
with our triumphs in war, or with the abounding- prosperity of our people, or 
with our international ascendency. How can they rejoice in a prosperity which 
falsifies every prediction they made four years ago, and the approval of which 
now would refute every claim they can possibly make for their political 
restoration ? 

McKinley Has Kept Faith. 

The present administration has kept the faith in which the American people 
invested it with power, has performed every act to which it was pledged and has 
fulfilled every expectation which has arisen from sudden events which were not 
foreseen four years ago. 

It has enacted a statute which protects American industries, capital and 
labor, and under its operation this country has become prosperous to a degree 
that no one dared to predict or even hope in 1896. 

It has, by statute, placed this country upon the foundation of the gold 
standard, the standard of stability and civilization. 

Foreign Relations Conserved. 

It has so wisely conducted our foreign relations that there is not now 
between us and any European power any menace to our peace or safety. 

It has forever quieted, by treaty, the vexatious situation in Samoa, which 
had for a long time been a cause of irritation between this country and Germany. 

It has negotiated treaties of reciprocity with Prance and other nations which 
will open wider the European markets to our manufactured and agricultural 

It has released its diplomatic agents and other American citizens in China. 

It has conducted a great war to a triumphant conclusion within four months 
from its commencement, without a single military or naval reverse, and, as a 
result, has expanded our possessions, and increased immeasurably our prestige 
as a nation. 

Growth of Our Business. 

The limitations of this brochure do not permit me to exhibit the details of 
onr wonderful prosperity during the eventful years of President McKinley's 
administration. I must restrict myself to a brief statement of the increase of 
our foreign trade and of its nature. 

The total foreign commerce of the last fiscal year surpasses by $319,729,250 
that of any preceding year and exceeds in the aggregate $2,000,000,000? The 
imports of the year were $849,714,670, and the exports were $1,394,186,371. 

An analysis of this astonishing aggregate discloses an enormous growth im 
oar exports of manufactured articles. The total export of these articles for the 
year amounted to $432,284, 306, an increase of more than ninety-two millions of 
dollars over those of the preceding year. This was thirty-one and one-half per 
cent, of the total exportation and an increase of ISO per cent, over the exports 
in 1891. 

After the World's Markets. 

American manufacturers now find a market in every part of the world. They 
compete successfully in many markets with rivals who have been long- established, 
and this is but the beginning of a commercial expansion which can be checked 
or limited only by a disastrous reversal of the economic policies of this country 
which alone have rendered such expansion possible. For what has been pre- 
dicted by the advocates of protection from the beginning has come to pass; the 
protection of home industries has diversified and increased production, has given 
variety of employment and higher wages to labor, has made what were once 
articles of luxury utilities of common enjoyment, has enabled our manufactur- 
ers to supply the domestic market, and this perfection of the policy, having thus 
been obtained as to that market, our people were enabled to and did become 
competitors in the foreign markets of the entire world. This exhibit of our pros- 
perity as to exports demonstrates what must have been the volume of our inter- 
nal commerce during the same period. There are no statistics to accurately 
express this, but the great internal commercial and industrial activity for the 
last three years, the abounding prosperity which its has created, sufficiently 
demonstrate the immensity of these transactions. 

Prosperity Hitherto Unparalleled. 

In every element which goes to constitute our prosperity as a nation the 
last three years have been the most productive in American history. At the 
close of the last Democratic administration we were a debtor nation. Our gold 
was being- exported and the outflow could not be checked. Our securities of all 
kinds were held abroad as investments. We have paid our debts within the last 
three years. To do this we took up first those securities in part payment; pay- 
ment was made to us in gold for a portion of what remained due and for the 
balance we became and are a great creditor nation. We are becoming the 
banker of the world. Our capitalists undertake a great Russian loan, and have 
bid three times the amount of the English loan of fifty millions of dollars now 
upon the market. No man need to # be told that these great financial operations 
could not possibly have been conducted, or even thought of, had the United 
States been upon the free coinage basis in the ratio of 16 to 1. 

"Imperialism" not Paramount. 

The real, the paramount question before the American people is not "imper- 
ialism." It is whether these conditions and the policies which have produced 
them are to be abandoned or even put to the chance of abandonment in the pur- 
suit of — theories, I was about to say, but not of theories — in the repetition of 
experiment which have always proved disastrous in the very respects in which 
our prosperity is now so abounding, for it is never to be forgotten that the 
Kansas City platform, while it denounces expansion and what it calls "imper- 
ialism," also .specifically condemns the policy of protection as enforced by the 
statute which passed immediately after the inauguration of President McKinley; 
condemns our financial policy and the gold standard under which money has 
become more abundant than it was ever before and interest lower ; and twice 
demands the free and unlimited coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1. This 
implies that, in case of Democratic success, these policies are to be reversed and 
the American people taken back again to the beginning of the road which 
started in depression and disaster and which has been traversed wearily, yet 
triumphantly, until it has taken us to the very heights of prosperity. 

Condition of Merchant Marine. 

This unprecedented development enforced the immediate consideration of 
the increase of our merchant marine, in view of the fact that nearly all these 
enormous freights had been carried by the ships of foreign nations. The flag- of 
the United States was almost a tolerated alien in its own ports. 

The Republican party has always cherished the maritime interests of this 
country. It has believed in the efficiency of the sea power whether for peace or 
war. It has not seen with any satisfaction the disappearance of our flag- from 
ports and seas where it formally shone like a glorious constellation; nor the pay- 
ment annually by the people of this country of more than $100 000,000 freight 
money, seamen's wages, supplies and insurance premiums to subjects of foreign 
states; nor the diminishing numbers of American seamen who over and over 
again in our history have been the very right arm of our defence and power. It 
has always contended that the American product ought to be carried in Ameri- 
can ships. 

Ship Building Encouraged. 

And now when, as the fruit of the Protective system, it has come to pass 
that articles of American manufacture are filling- every market of the world; 
when the American iron bridge spans the upper Nile; when American iron pipes 
are laid beneath the streets of Glasgow and across the immense plains of West- 
ern Australia; when cotton fabrics, manufactured in the Southern States, are 
sold in China and Japan; when locomotive engines built in the United States are 
traversing Siberia and our iron rails are laid in Burmah and India; when war 
vessels are built in our ship yards for Russia and Japan; when our machinery is 
at work in the mines of Africa — the Republican party, by a bill pending in Con- 
gress, purposes to advance our merchant marine (at the same time creating an 
auxiliary to our naval power), to a position somewhat commensurate with the 
necessities of this great commercial expansion. Every other maritime state long 
ago adopted this policy upon the soundest civil and military principles. The 


tame Enlightened principle was the foundation of the Republican policy of aid 
oy grants of land and in some cases by subsidies of money in the construction of 
canals and railways. The results as to land transportation and the expansion 
of the populated area of the country have been miracles of this miracle-working- 
age. The land now needs the sea to dispose of its overwhelming production and 
the American people need their share of the lucrative returns to those ''who go 
down to the sea in ships." But the Democratic party, subject to its incurable 
and degenerate atavism, standing as always with its face to the past and its 
back to the future, denounces this policy in the Kansas City platform a